Old page wikitext, before the edit (old_wikitext) | '{{short description|Event during the presidency of Andrew Jackson}}
{{Over-quotation|date=November 2019}}
{{Use American English|date = September 2019}}
{{Use mdy dates|date=July 2014}}
{{Events leading to US Civil War}}
{{Andrew Jackson series}}
The '''nullification crisis''' was a [[sectionalism|sectional]] political crisis in the [[United States]] in 1832 and 1833, during the [[presidency of Andrew Jackson]], which involved a confrontation between the state of [[South Carolina]] and the federal government. It ensued after South Carolina declared the federal [[Tariff of 1828|Tariffs of 1828]] and [[Tariff of 1832|1832]] unconstitutional and therefore null and void within the sovereign boundaries of the state. However, courts at the state and federal level, including the [[Supreme Court of the United States|U.S. Supreme Court]], repeatedly have rejected the theory of [[Nullification (U.S. Constitution)|nullification by states]].<ref>See ''[[Cooper v. Aaron]]'', 358 U.S. 1 (1958), ''[http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/364/500/case.html Bush v. Orleans Parish School Board] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160807144400/http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/364/500/case.html |date=August 7, 2016 }}'', 364 U.S. 500 (1960), ''[[Ableman v. Booth]]'', 62 U.S. 506 (1859), and ''[http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/9/115/case.html United States v. Peters] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170712132940/http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/9/115/case.html |date=July 12, 2017 }}'', 9 U.S. (5 Cranch) 115 (1809).</ref><ref>"[S]tates throughout U.S. history have attempted to use variations of the nullification doctrine to invalidate national law. However, every attempt by states to nullify federal law was clearly rejected by not only the federal government but also by other states." Card, Ryan, [http://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2558&context=lawreview "Can States 'Just Say No' to Federal Health Care Reform? The Constitutional and Political Implications of State Attempts to Nullify Federal Law", 2010 B.Y.U. Law Review 1795, 1808 (2010)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150118013523/http://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2558&context=lawreview |date=January 18, 2015 }}.</ref>
The controversial and highly protective [[Tariff of 1828]] was enacted into law during the presidency of [[John Quincy Adams]]. The tariff was strongly opposed in the South, since it was perceived to put an unfair tax burden on the Southern agrarian states that imported most manufactured goods. The tariff's opponents expected that Jackson's election as president would result in a significant reduction of it.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v2, pp. 136–137. Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 143.</ref> When the Jackson administration failed to take any action to address their concerns, South Carolina's most radical faction began to advocate that the state nullify the tariff. They subscribed to the legal theory that if a state believed a federal law unconstitutional, it could declare the law null and void in the state. In Washington, an open split on the issue occurred between Jackson and [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]] [[John C. Calhoun]], a native South Carolinian and the most effective proponent of the constitutional theory of state nullification.<ref>Craven, p. 65. Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 143.</ref>
On July 1, 1832, before Calhoun resigned the vice presidency to run for the [[United States Senate|Senate]], where he could more effectively defend nullification,<ref>Niven p. 192. Calhoun replaced Robert Y. Hayne as senator so that Hayne could follow James Hamilton as governor. Niven writes, "There is no doubt that these moves were part of a well-thought-out plan whereby Hayne would restrain the hotheads in the state legislature and Calhoun would defend his brainchild, nullification, in Washington against administration stalwarts and the likes of Daniel Webster, the new apostle of northern nationalism."</ref> Jackson signed into law the Tariff of 1832. This compromise tariff received the support of most Northerners and half the Southerners in Congress.<ref>Howe p. 410. In the Senate, only Virginia and South Carolina voted against the 1832 tariff. Howe writes, "Most southerners saw the measure as a significant amelioration of their grievance and were now content to back Jackson for reelection rather than pursue the more drastic remedy such as the one South Carolina was touting."</ref> South Carolina remained unsatisfied, and on November 24, 1832, a state convention adopted the [[Ordinance of Nullification]], which declared that the Tariffs of 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and unenforceable in South Carolina after February 1, 1833.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://historyengine.richmond.edu/episodes/view/300 |title=South Carolina Legislature Passes the Ordinance of Nullification |website=History Engine |publisher=[[University of Richmond]] |df=mdy-all |access-date=2019-11-21 |archive-date=February 13, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200213024052/https://historyengine.richmond.edu/episodes/view/300 |url-status=live }}</ref> South Carolina initiated military preparations to resist anticipated federal enforcement,<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'' pp. 1–3. Freehling writes, "In Charleston Governor Robert Y. Hayne ... tried to form an army which could hope to challenge the forces of 'Old Hickory'. Hayne recruited a brigade of mounted minutemen, 2,000 strong, which could swoop down on Charleston the moment fighting broke out, and a volunteer army of 25,000 men, which could march on foot to save the beleaguered city. In the North, Governor Hayne's agents bought over $100,000 worth of arms; in Charleston, Hamilton readied his volunteers for an assault on the federal forts."</ref> but on March 1, 1833, Congress passed both the [[Force Bill]]—authorizing the president to use military forces against South Carolina—and a new negotiated tariff, the [[Tariff of 1833|Compromise Tariff of 1833]], which was satisfactory to South Carolina. The South Carolina convention reconvened and repealed its Nullification Ordinance on March 15, 1833, but three days later, nullified the Force Bill as a symbolic gesture of principle.
The crisis was over, and both sides found reasons to claim victory. The tariff rates were reduced and stayed low to the satisfaction of the South, but the [[states' rights]] doctrine of nullification remained controversial. By the 1850s, the issues of the expansion of [[slavery]] into the western territories and the threat of the [[Slave Power]] became the central issues in the nation.<ref name="Wilentz pg. 388">Wilentz, p. 388.</ref>
==Background (1787–1816)==
The historian Richard E. Ellis wrote:
{{quote| By creating a national government with the authority to act directly upon individuals, by denying to the state many of the prerogatives that they formerly had, and by leaving open to the central government the possibility of claiming for itself many powers not explicitly assigned to it, the Constitution and [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]] as finally ratified substantially increased the strength of the central government at the expense of the states.<ref>Ellis, p. 4.</ref>}}
The extent of this change and the problem of the actual distribution of powers between state and the federal governments would be a matter of political and ideological discussion through the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] as well as afterwards.<ref>McDonald p. vii. McDonald wrote, "Of all the problems that beset the United States during the century from the Declaration of Independence to the end of Reconstruction, the most pervasive concerned disagreements about the nature of the Union and the line to be drawn between the authority of the general government and that of the several states. At times the issue bubbled silently and unseen between the surface of public consciousness; at times it exploded: now and again the balance between general and local authority seemed to be settled in one direction or another, only to be upset anew and to move back toward the opposite position, but the contention never went away."</ref> In the early 1790s the debate centered on [[Alexander Hamilton]]'s nationalistic financial program versus Jefferson's democratic and agrarian program, a conflict that led to the formation of two opposing national political parties. Later in the decade the [[Alien and Sedition Acts]] led to the [[states' rights]] position being articulated in the ''[[Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions]]''.<ref>Ellis pp. 1–2.</ref> The Kentucky Resolutions, written by [[Thomas Jefferson]], contained the following, which has often been cited as a justification for both nullification and [[Secession in the United States|secession]]:
{{quote|... that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the general government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non fœderis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect for its co-States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it ...<ref>For full text of the resolutions, see [[s:Kentucky Resolutions of 1798|Kentucky Resolutions of 1798]] and [[s:Kentucky Resolutions of 1799|Kentucky Resolutions of 1799]].</ref>}}
The Virginia Resolutions, written by [[James Madison]], hold a similar argument:
{{quote|The resolutions, having taken this view of the Federal compact, proceed to infer that, in cases of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose to arrest the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. ... The Constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the States, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of the Constitution, that it rests on this solid foundation. The States, then, being parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal above their authority to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and, consequently, as parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition.<ref>James Madison, [[s:Virginia Resolutions of 1798|Virginia Resolutions of 1798]]</ref>}}
Historians differ over the extent to which either resolution advocated the doctrine of nullification. Historian [[Lance Banning]] wrote, "The legislators of Kentucky (or more likely, [[John Breckinridge (U.S. Attorney General)|John Breckinridge]], the Kentucky legislator who sponsored the resolution) deleted Jefferson's suggestion that the rightful remedy for federal usurpation was a "nullification" of such acts by each state acting on its own to prevent their operation within its respective borders. Rather than suggesting individual, although concerted, measures of this sort, Kentucky was content to ask its sisters to unite in declarations that the acts were "void and of no force", and in "requesting their appeal" at the succeeding session of the Congress."<ref>Banning p. 388.</ref> The key sentence, and the word "nullification" was used in supplementary Resolutions passed by Kentucky in 1799.<ref>Brant, pp. 297, 629.</ref>
Madison's judgment is clearer. He was chairman of a committee of the Virginia Legislature, which issued a book-length [[Report of 1800|''Report on the Resolutions of 1798'']], published in 1800 after they had been decried by several states. This asserted that the state did not claim legal force. "The declarations in such cases are expressions of opinion, unaccompanied by other effect than what they may produce upon opinion, by exciting reflection. The opinions of the judiciary, on the other hand, are carried into immediate effect by force." If the states collectively agreed in their declarations, there were several methods by which it might prevail, from persuading Congress to repeal the unconstitutional law, to calling a constitutional convention, as two-thirds of the states may.<ref>Brant, p. 298.</ref> When, at the time of the nullification crisis, he was presented with the Kentucky resolutions of 1799, he argued that the resolutions themselves were not Jefferson's words, and that Jefferson meant this not as a constitutional, but as a revolutionary right.<ref>Brant, p. 629.</ref>
Madison biographer Ralph Ketcham wrote:
{{quote|Though Madison agreed entirely with the specific condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Acts, with the concept of the limited delegated power of the general government, and even with the proposition that laws contrary to the Constitution were illegal, he drew back from the declaration that each state legislature had the power to act within its borders against the authority of the general government to oppose laws the legislature deemed unconstitutional.<ref>Ketcham p. 396.</ref>}}
Historian [[Sean Wilentz]] explains the widespread opposition to these resolutions:
{{quote|Several states followed [[Maryland House of Delegates|Maryland's House of Delegates]] in rejecting the idea that any state could, by legislative action, even claim that a federal law was unconstitutional, and suggested that any effort to do so was treasonous. A few northern states, including Massachusetts, denied the powers claimed by Kentucky and Virginia and insisted that the Sedition law was perfectly constitutional . ... Ten state legislatures with heavy Federalist majorities from around the country censured Kentucky and Virginia for usurping powers that supposedly belonged to the federal judiciary. Northern Republicans supported the resolutions' objections to the alien and sedition acts, but opposed the idea of state review of federal laws. Southern Republicans outside Virginia and Kentucky were eloquently silent about the matter, and no southern legislature heeded the call to battle.<ref>Wilentz, p. 80.</ref>}}
[[File:Thomas Jefferson by Rembrandt Peale, 1800.jpg|thumb|left|Portrait of [[Thomas Jefferson]] by [[Rembrandt Peale]], 1800]]
The [[election of 1800]] was a turning point in national politics, as the Federalists were replaced by the [[Democratic-Republican Party]] led by Jefferson, but the four presidential terms spanning the period from 1800 to 1817 "did little to advance the cause of states' rights and much to weaken it." Over Jefferson's opposition, the power of the federal judiciary, led by Federalist Chief Justice [[John Marshall]], increased. Jefferson expanded federal powers with the acquisition of the [[Louisiana Territory]] and his use of a [[Embargo Act of 1807|national embargo]] designed to prevent involvement in a European war. Madison in 1809 used national troops to enforce a Supreme Court decision in Pennsylvania, appointed an "extreme nationalist" in [[Joseph Story]] to the Supreme Court, signed the bill creating the [[Second Bank of the United States]], and called for a constitutional amendment to promote [[internal improvements]].<ref>Ellis, p. 5. Madison called for the constitutional amendment because he believed much of the [[American System (economic plan)|American System]] was unconstitutional. Historian Richard Buel Jr. notes that in preparing for the worst from the [[Hartford Convention]], the Madison administration made preparation to intervene militarily in case of New England secession. Troops from the Canada–US border were moved near Albany so that they could move into either Massachusetts or Connecticut if necessary. [[New England]] troops were also returned to their recruitment areas in order to serve as a focus for loyalists. Buel, pp. 220–221.</ref>
Opposition to the [[War of 1812]] was centered in New England. Delegates to a convention in [[Hartford, Connecticut]], met in December 1814 to consider a New England response to Madison's war policy. The debate allowed many radicals to argue the cause of states' rights and state sovereignty. In the end, moderate voices dominated and the final product was not secession or nullification, but a series of proposed constitutional amendments.<ref>McDonald, pp. 69–70.</ref> Identifying the South's domination of the government as the cause of much of their problems, the proposed amendments included "the repeal of the [[Three-fifths compromise|three-fifths clause]], a requirement that two-thirds of both houses of Congress agree before any new state could be admitted to the Union, limits on the length of embargoes, and the outlawing of the election of a president from the same state to successive terms, clearly aimed at the Virginians."<ref>Wilentz p. 166.</ref> The war was over before the proposals were submitted to President Madison.
[[File:James Madison (cropped 3x4 close).jpg|right|thumb|[[James Madison]]]]
After the conclusion of the War of 1812 [[Sean Wilentz]] notes:
{{quote|Madison's speech [his 1815 annual message to Congress] affirmed that the war had reinforced the evolution of mainstream Republicanism, moving it further away from its original and localist assumptions. The war's immense strain on the treasury led to new calls from nationalist Republicans for a national bank. The difficulties in moving and supplying troops exposed the wretchedness of the country's transportation links, and the need for extensive new roads and canals. A boom in American manufacturing during the prolonged cessation of trade with Britain created an entirely new class of enterprisers, most of them tied politically to the Republicans, who might not survive without tariff protection. More broadly, the war reinforced feelings of national identity and connection.<ref>Wilentz, p. 181.</ref>}}
This spirit of nationalism was linked to the tremendous growth and economic prosperity of this postwar era. However in 1819, the nation suffered its [[Panic of 1819|first financial panic]] and the 1820s turned out to be a decade of political turmoil that again led to fierce debates over competing views of the exact nature of American federalism. The "extreme democratic and agrarian rhetoric" that had been so effective in 1798 led to renewed attacks on the "numerous market-oriented enterprises, particularly banks, corporations, creditors, and absentee landholders".<ref>Ellis, p. 6. Wilentz, p. 182.</ref>
==Tariffs (1816–1828)==
The [[Tariff of 1816]] had some protective features, and it received support throughout the nation, including that of John C. Calhoun and fellow South Carolinian [[William Lowndes (congressman)|William Lowndes]].<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 92–93.</ref> The first explicitly protective tariff linked to a specific program of internal improvements was the [[Tariff of 1824]].<ref>Wilentz p. 243. Economic historian [[Frank Taussig]] notes "The act of 1816, which is generally said to mark the beginning of a distinctly protective policy in this country, belongs rather to the earlier series of acts, beginning with that of 1789, than to the group of acts of 1824, 1828, and 1832. Its highest permanent rate of duty was twenty per cent., an increase over the previous rates, which is chiefly accounted for by the heavy interest charge on the debt incurred during the war. But after the crash of 1819, a movement in favor of protection set in, which was backed by a strong popular feeling such as had been absent in the earlier years." [http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136 The Tariff History of the United States (Part I)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071021182532/http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136 |date=October 21, 2007 }} ''Teaching American History''</ref> Sponsored by [[Henry Clay]], this tariff provided a general level of protection at 35% [[ad valorem tax|ad valorem]] (compared to 25% with the 1816 act) and hiked duties on iron, woolens, cotton, hemp, and wool and cotton bagging. The bill barely passed the federal [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] by a vote of 107 to 102. The Middle states and Northwest supported the bill, the South and Southwest opposed it, and New England split its vote with a majority opposing it. In the Senate, the bill, with the support of [[Tennessee]] Senator [[Andrew Jackson]], passed by four votes, and President [[James Monroe]], the Virginia heir to the Jefferson-Madison control of the [[White House]], signed the bill on March 25, 1824.<ref>Remini, ''Henry Clay'', p. 232. Freehling, ''The Road to Disunion'', p. 257.</ref> [[Daniel Webster]] of [[Massachusetts]] led the New England opposition to this tariff.<ref>McDonald, p. 95.</ref>
Protest against the prospect and the constitutionality of higher tariffs began in 1826 and 1827 with [[William Branch Giles]], who had the Virginia legislature pass resolutions denying the power of Congress to pass protective tariffs, citing the Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and James Madison's 1800 defense of them. Madison denied both the appeal to nullification and the unconstitutionality; he had always held that the power to regulate commerce included protection. Jefferson had, at the end of his life, written against protective tariffs.<ref>Brant, p. 622.</ref>
[[File:MVan Buren-portrait.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Martin Van Buren]]
The Tariff of 1828 was largely the work of [[Martin Van Buren]] (although [[Silas Wright Jr.]] of New York prepared the main provisions) and was partly a political ploy to elect Andrew Jackson President. Van Buren calculated that the South would vote for Jackson regardless of the issues, so he ignored their interests in drafting the bill. New England, he thought, was just as likely to support the incumbent John Quincy Adams, so the bill levied heavy taxes on raw materials consumed by New England such as hemp, flax, molasses, iron, and sail duck. With an additional tariff on iron to satisfy Pennsylvania interests, Van Buren expected the tariff to help deliver [[Pennsylvania]], [[New York (state)|New York]], [[Missouri]], [[Ohio]], and Kentucky to Jackson. Over opposition from the South and some from New England, the tariff was passed with the full support of many Jackson supporters in Congress and signed by President Adams in early 1828.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v2, pp. 136–137. McDonald presents a slightly different rationale. He stated that the bill would "adversely affect New England woolen manufacturers, ship builders, and shipowners" and Van Buren calculated that New England and the South would unite to defeat the bill, allowing Jacksonians to have it both ways—in the North they could claim they tried but failed to pass a needed tariff and in the South they could claim that they had thwarted an effort to increase import duties. McDonald, pp. 94–95.</ref>
As expected, Jackson and his running mate John Calhoun carried the entire South with overwhelming numbers in every state but Louisiana, where Adams drew 47% of the vote in a losing effort. But many Southerners became dissatisfied as Jackson, in his first two annual messages to Congress, failed to launch a strong attack on the tariff. Historian [[William J. Cooper Jr.]] writes:
{{quote|The most doctrinaire ideologues of the Old Republican group [supporters of the Jefferson and Madison position in the late 1790s] first found Jackson wanting. These purists identified the tariff of 1828, the hated Tariff of Abominations, as the most heinous manifestation of the nationalist policy they abhorred. That protective tariff violated their constitutional theory, for, as they interpreted the document, it gave no permission for a protective tariff. Moreover, they saw protection as benefiting the North and hurting the South.<ref>Cooper, pp. 11–12.</ref>}}
==South Carolina background (1819–1828)==
[[File:Sket-Calhoun.jpg|thumb|left|210px|John C. Calhoun]]
South Carolina had been adversely affected by the national economic decline of the 1820s. During this decade, the population decreased by 56,000 whites and 30,000 slaves, out of a total free and slave population of 580,000. The whites left for better places; they took slaves with them or sold them to traders moving slaves to the Deep South for sale.<ref>Freehling, ''The Road to Disunion'', p. 255. Historian [[Avery Craven]] wrote, "Historians have generally ignored the fact that the South Carolina statesmen, in the so-called Nullification controversy, were struggling against a practical situation. They have conjured up a great struggle between nationalism and States" rights and described these men as theorists reveling in constitutional refinements for the mere sake of logic. Yet here was a clear case of commercial and agricultural depression. Craven, p. 60.</ref>
Historian Richard E. Ellis describes the situation:
{{quote|Throughout the colonial and early national periods, South Carolina had sustained substantial economic growth and prosperity. This had created an extremely wealthy and extravagant low country aristocracy whose fortunes were based first on the cultivation of rice and indigo, and then on cotton. Then the state was devastated by the [[Panic of 1819]]. The depression that followed was more severe than in almost any other state of the Union. Moreover, competition from the newer cotton producing areas along the [[Gulf Coast of the United States|Gulf Coast]], blessed with fertile lands that produced a higher crop-yield per acre, made recovery painfully slow. To make matters worse, in large areas of South Carolina slaves vastly outnumbered whites, and there existed both considerable fear of slave rebellion and a growing sensitivity to even the smallest criticism of "the peculiar institution."<ref>Ellis, p. 7. Freehling notes that divisions over nullification in the state generally corresponded to the extent that the section suffered economically. The exception was the "Low country rice and luxury cotton planters" who supported nullification despite their ability to survive the economic depression. This section had the highest percentage of slave population. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 25.</ref>}}
[[File:George-McDuffie.jpg|thumb|right|200px|George McDuffie]]
State leaders, led by states' rights advocates such as [[William Smith (South Carolina senator)|William Smith]] and [[Thomas Cooper (American politician, born 1759)|Thomas Cooper]], blamed most of the state's economic problems on the Tariff of 1816 and national internal improvement projects. [[Soil erosion]] and competition from the [[East South Central states|New Southwest]] were also very significant reasons for the state's declining fortunes.<ref>Cauthen p. 1.</ref> [[George McDuffie]] was a particularly effective speaker for the anti-tariff forces, and he popularized the Forty Bale theory. McDuffie argued that the 40% tariff on cotton finished goods meant that "the manufacturer actually invades your barns, and plunders you of 40 out of every 100 bales that you produce." Mathematically incorrect, this argument still struck a nerve with his constituency. Nationalists such as Calhoun were forced by the increasing power of such leaders to retreat from their previous positions and adopt, in the words of Ellis, "an even more extreme version of the states' rights doctrine" in order to maintain political significance within South Carolina.<ref>Ellis, p. 7. Freehling, ''Road to Disunion'', p. 256.</ref>
[[File:Thomas Bee's House.jpg|thumb|left|Thomas Bee's House, Charleston, ''circa'' 1730: The Nullification Movement that split the nation started here in 1832. John C. Calhoun, S.C. Governor Robert Hayne, General James Hamilton and other leaders drafted the Nullification Papers in the second-floor drawing room.]]
{{Anchor|Negro Seamen Act}}South Carolina's first effort at nullification occurred in 1822. Its planters believed that free black sailors had assisted [[Denmark Vesey]] in his planned slave rebellion. South Carolina passed the Negro Seamen Act, which required all black foreign seamen to be imprisoned while their ships were docked in [[Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston]]. The [[United Kingdom]] strongly objected, especially as it was recruiting more Africans as sailors. Worse, if the captains did not pay the fees to cover the cost of jailing, South Carolina would sell the sailors into [[Slavery in the United States|slavery]]. Other Southern states also passed laws against free black sailors.<ref name="horne">Gerald Horne, ''Negro Comrades of the Crown: African Americans and the British Empire Fight the U.S. Before Emancipation'', New York University (NYU) Press, 2012, [https://books.google.com/books?id=XTLFKrmJPgcC&pg=PA97 pp. 97–98] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230418184529/https://books.google.com/books?id=XTLFKrmJPgcC&pg=PA97 |date=April 18, 2023 }}</ref>
Supreme Court Justice [[William Johnson (judge)|William Johnson]], in his capacity as a circuit judge, declared the South Carolina law as unconstitutional since it violated the United States' treaties with the United Kingdom. The South Carolina Senate announced that the judge's ruling was invalid and that the act would be enforced. The federal government did not attempt to carry out Johnson's decision.<ref>Freehling, ''Road to Disunion'', p. 254.</ref>
==Route to nullification in South Carolina (1828–1832)==
[[File:JRP-SoW, S.jpg|thumb|220px|Joel Roberts Poinsett, South Carolina Unionist leader]]
Historian [[Avery Craven]] argues that, for the most part, the debate from 1828 to 1832 was a local South Carolina affair. The state's leaders were not united and the sides were roughly equal. The western part of the state and a faction in Charleston, led by [[Joel Roberts Poinsett|Joel Poinsett]] and [[Thomas Smith Grimké]], remained loyal to the Union. Only in small part was the conflict between "a National North against a States'-right South".<ref>Craven, p. 65.</ref>
After the final vote on the Tariff of 1828, South Carolina's congressional delegation held two caucuses, the second at the home of Senator [[Robert Y. Hayne]]. They were rebuffed in their efforts to coordinate a united Southern response and focused on how their state representatives would react. While many agreed with McDuffie that tariff policy could lead to secession, they all agreed that, as much as possible, the issue should be kept out of [[1828 United States presidential election|the upcoming presidential election]]. Calhoun, while not at this meeting, served as a moderating influence. He felt that the first step in reducing the tariff was to defeat Adams and his supporters in the upcoming election. [[William C. Preston]], on behalf of the South Carolina legislature, asked Calhoun to prepare a report on the tariff situation. Calhoun readily accepted and in a few weeks had a 35,000-word draft of what would become his "[[South Carolina Exposition and Protest|Exposition and Protest]]".<ref>Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 143.</ref>
Calhoun's "Exposition" was completed late in 1828. He argued that the tariff of 1828 was unconstitutional because it favored manufacturing over commerce and agriculture. He believed the tariff power could be used only to generate revenue, not to provide protection from foreign competition for American industries, and that the people of a state or several states, acting in a democratically elected convention, had the power to veto any act of the federal government that violated the Constitution. This veto, the core of the doctrine of nullification, was explained by Calhoun in the Exposition:
{{quote|If it be conceded, as it must be by every one who is the least conversant with our institutions, that the sovereign powers delegated are divided between the General and State Governments, and that the latter hold their portion by the same tenure as the former, it would seem impossible to deny to the States the right of deciding on the infractions of their powers, and the proper remedy to be applied for their correction. The right of judging, in such cases, is an essential attribute of sovereignty, of which the States cannot be divested without losing their sovereignty itself, and being reduced to a subordinate corporate condition. In fact, to divide power, and to give to one of the parties the exclusive right of judging of the portion allotted to each, is, in reality, not to divide it at all; and to reserve such exclusive right to the General Government (it matters not by what department to be exercised), is to convert it, in fact, into a great consolidated government, with unlimited powers, and to divest the States, in reality, of all their rights, It is impossible to understand the force of terms, and to deny so plain a conclusion.<ref>[[s:South Carolina Exposition and Protest|South Carolina Exposition and Protest]]</ref>}}
The report also detailed the specific southern grievances over the tariff that led to the current dissatisfaction.<ref>Niven, pp. 158–162.</ref> Fearful that "hotheads" such as McDuffie might force the legislature into taking drastic action against the federal government, historian [[John Niven]] describes Calhoun's political purpose in the document:
{{quote|All through that hot and humid summer, emotions among the vociferous planter population had been worked up to a near-frenzy of excitement. The whole tenor of the argument built up in the "Exposition" was aimed to present the case in a cool, considered manner that would dampen any drastic moves yet would set in motion the machinery for repeal of the tariff act. It would also warn other sections of the Union against any future legislation that an increasingly self-conscious South might consider punitive, especially on the subject of slavery.<ref>Niven, p. 161.</ref>}}
The report was submitted to the state legislature, which had 5,000 copies printed and distributed. Calhoun, who still had designs on succeeding Jackson as president, was not identified as the author, but word on this soon leaked out. The legislature took no action on the report at that time.<ref>Niven, pp. 163–164.</ref>
In the summer of 1828, [[Robert Rhett|Robert Barnwell Rhett]], soon to be considered the most radical of the South Carolinians, entered the fray over the tariff. As a state representative, Rhett called for the governor to convene a special session of the legislature. An outstanding orator, Rhett appealed to his constituents to resist the majority in Congress. He addressed the danger of doing nothing:
{{quote|But if you are doubtful of yourselves—if you are not prepared to follow up your principles wherever they may lead, to their very last consequence—if you love life better than honor,—prefer ease to perilous liberty and glory; awake not! Stir not!—Impotent resistance will add vengeance to your ruin. Live in smiling peace with your insatiable Oppressors, and die with the noble consolation that your submissive patience will survive triumphant your beggary and despair.<ref>Walther, p. 123. Craven, pp. 63–64.</ref>}}
Rhett's rhetoric about revolution and war was too radical in the summer of 1828 but, with the election of Jackson assured, [[James Hamilton Jr.]] on October 28 in the [[Colleton County Courthouse]] in [[Walterboro, South Carolina|Walterborough]] "launched the formal nullification campaign."<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 149.</ref> Renouncing his former nationalism, Hamilton warned the people that "Your task-master must soon become a tyrant, from the very abuses and corruption of the system, without the bowels of compassion, or a jot of human sympathy." He called for implementation of Jefferson's "rightful remedy" of nullification. Hamilton sent a copy of the speech directly to President-elect Jackson. But despite a statewide campaign by Hamilton and McDuffie, a proposal to call a nullification convention in 1829 was defeated by the South Carolina legislature meeting at the end of 1828. State leaders such as Calhoun, Hayne, Smith, and [[William Drayton]] all remained publicly noncommittal or opposed to nullification for the next couple of years.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 152–155, 173–175. A two-thirds vote of each house of the legislature was required to convene a state convention.</ref>
The division in the state between radicals and conservatives continued through 1829 and 1830. After the failure of a state project to arrange financing of a railroad within the state to promote internal trade, the state petitioned Congress to invest $250,000 in the company trying to build it. After Congress tabled the measure, debate in South Carolina resumed between those who wanted state investment and those who wanted to work to get Congress's support. The debate demonstrated that a significant minority of the state did have an interest in Clay's [[American System (economic plan)|American System]]. The effect of the [[Webster–Hayne debate]] was to energize the radicals, and some moderates started to move in their direction.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 177–186.</ref>
The state election campaign of 1830 focused on the tariff issue and the need for a state convention. On the defensive, radicals underplayed the intent of the convention as pro-nullification. When voters were presented with races where an unpledged convention was the issue, the radicals generally won. When conservatives effectively characterized the race as being about nullification, the radicals lost. The October election was narrowly carried by the radicals, although the blurring of the issues left them without any specific mandate.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 205–213.</ref> In South Carolina, the governor was selected by the legislature, which chose James Hamilton, the leader of the radical movement, and fellow radical [[Henry L. Pinckney]] as speaker of the South Carolina House. For the open Senate seat, the legislature chose the more radical [[Stephen Decatur Miller]] over William Smith.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 213–218.</ref>
With radicals in leading positions, in 1831 they began to capture momentum. State politics became sharply divided along [[Nullifier Party|Nullifier]] and Unionist lines. Still, the margin in the legislature fell short of the two-thirds majority needed for a convention. Many of the radicals felt that convincing Calhoun of the futility of his plans for the presidency would lead him into their ranks. Calhoun, meanwhile, had concluded that Van Buren was establishing himself as Jackson's heir apparent. At Hamilton's prompting, McDuffie made a three-hour speech in Charleston demanding nullification of the tariff at any cost. In the state, the success of McDuffie's speech seemed to open up the possibilities of both military confrontation with the federal government and civil war within the state. With silence no longer an acceptable alternative, Calhoun looked for the opportunity to take control of the antitariff faction in the state; by June he was preparing what would be known as his Fort Hill Address.<ref>Peterson, pp. 189–192. Niven, pp. 174–181. Calhoun wrote of McDuffie's speech, "I think it every way imprudent and have so written Hamilton ... I see clearly it brings matters to a crisis, and that I must meet it promptly and manfully." Freehling in his works frequently refers to the radicals as "Calhounites" even before 1831. This is because the radicals, rallying around Calhoun's "Exposition," were linked ideologically, if not yet practically, with Calhoun.</ref>
Published on July 26, 1831, the address repeated and expanded the positions Calhoun had made in the "Exposition". While the logic of much of the speech was consistent with the states' rights position of most Jacksonians, and even Daniel Webster remarked that it "was the ablest and most plausible, and therefore the most dangerous vindication of that particular form of Revolution", the speech still placed Calhoun clearly in a nullified camp. Within South Carolina, his gestures at moderation in the speech were drowned out as planters received word of the [[Nat Turner]] insurrection in Virginia. Calhoun was not alone in finding a connection between the [[Abolitionism in the United States|abolition movement]] and the sectional aspects of the tariff issue.<ref>Niven, pp. 181–184.</ref> It confirmed for Calhoun what he had written in a September 11, 1830, letter:
<blockquote>I consider the tariff act as the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised, that the [[Slavery in the United States|peculiar institution]] of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relation to the majority of the Union, against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the states they must in the end be forced to rebel, or, submit to have their paramount interests sacrificed, their domestic institutions subordinated by Colonization and other schemes, and themselves and children reduced to wretchedness.<ref>Ellis p. 193. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 257.</ref></blockquote>
From this point, the nullifiers accelerated their organization and rhetoric. In July 1831, the States Rights and Free Trade Association was formed in Charleston and expanded throughout the state. Unlike state political organizations in the past, which were led by the South Carolina planter aristocracy, this group appealed to all segments of the population, including non-slaveholder farmers, small slaveholders, and the Charleston non-agricultural class. Governor Hamilton was instrumental in seeing that the association, which was both a political and a social organization, expanded throughout the state. In the winter of 1831 and spring of 1832, Hamilton held conventions and rallies throughout the state to mobilize the nullification movement. The conservatives were unable to match the radicals in organization or leadership.<ref>Freehling, pp. 224–239.</ref>
The state elections of 1832 were "charged with tension and bespattered with violence," and "polite debates often degenerated into frontier brawls." Unlike the previous year's election, the choice was clear between nullifiers and unionists. The nullifiers won and on October 20, 1832, Hamilton called the legislature into a special session to consider a convention. The legislative vote was 96–25 in the House and 31–13 in the Senate.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 252–260.</ref>
In November 1832, the Nullification Convention met. The convention declared the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 unconstitutional and unenforceable within the state of South Carolina after February 1, 1833. It was asserted that attempts to use force to collect the taxes would lead to the state's secession. Robert Hayne, who succeeded Hamilton as governor in 1833, established a 2,000-man group of mounted [[minutemen]] and 25,000 infantry who would march to Charleston in the event of a military conflict. These troops were to be armed with $100,000 in arms purchased in the North.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 1–3.</ref>
The enabling legislation passed by the legislature was carefully constructed to avoid clashes if at all possible and create an aura of legality in the process. To avoid conflicts with Unionists, it allowed importers to pay the tariff if they desired. Other merchants could pay the tariff by obtaining a paper tariff bond from the customs officer. They would then refuse to pay the bond when due, and if the customs official seized the goods, the merchant would file for a writ of [[replevin]] to recover the goods in state court. Customs officials who refused to return the goods (by placing them under the protection of federal troops) would be civilly liable for twice the value of the goods. To ensure that state officials and judges supported the law, a "test oath" would be required for all new state officials, binding them to support the ordinance of nullification.<ref>Ellis, pp. 97–98.</ref>
Governor Hayne in his inaugural address announced South Carolina's position:
{{quote|If the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her citizens, shed in defense, I trust in Almighty God that no son of hers ... who has been nourished at her bosom ... will be found raising a parricidal arm against our common mother. And even should she stand ALONE in this great struggle for constitutional liberty ... that there will not be found, in the wider limits of the state, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue, and be ready to lay down his life in her defense.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 3, p. 14.</ref>}}
==Washington, D.C. (1828–1832)==
[[File:Andrew jackson head.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Official [[White House]] portrait of Andrew Jackson]]
When President Jackson took office in March 1829, he was well aware of the turmoil created by the "Tariff of Abominations". While he may have abandoned some of his earlier beliefs that had allowed him to vote for the Tariff of 1824, he still felt protectionism was justified for products essential to military preparedness and did not believe that the current tariff should be reduced until the [[national debt]] was fully paid off. He addressed the issue in his inaugural address and his first three messages to Congress, but offered no specific relief. In December 1831, with the proponents of nullification in South Carolina gaining momentum, Jackson recommended "the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies."<ref>Ellis, pp. 41–43.</ref> But on the constitutional issue of nullification, despite his strong beliefs in states' rights, Jackson did not waver.
Calhoun's "Exposition and Protest" started a national debate on the doctrine of nullification. The leading proponents<ref>Ellis, p. 9.</ref> of the nationalistic view included Daniel Webster, Supreme Court Justice [[Joseph Story]], Judge [[William Alexander Duer]], John Quincy Adams, [[Nathaniel Chipman]], and [[Nathan Dane]]. They rejected the [[compact theory]] advanced by Calhoun, claiming that the Constitution was the product of the people, not the states. According to the nationalist position, the Supreme Court had the final say on legislation's constitutionality, and the national union was perpetual and had supreme authority over individual states.<ref>Ellis p. 9.</ref> The nullifiers, on the other hand, asserted that the central government was not the ultimate arbiter of its own power, and that the states, as the contracting entities, could judge for themselves what was constitutional. While Calhoun's "Exposition" claimed that nullification was based on the reasoning behind the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, an aging James Madison in an August 28, 1830, letter to [[Edward Everett]], intended for publication, disagreed. Madison wrote, denying that any individual state could alter the compact:<ref>Brant, p. 627.</ref>
{{quote| Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine than that it puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over 1/4 of the U. S.—that is, of 7 States out of 24—to give the law and even the Constn. to 17 States, each of the 17 having as parties to the Constn. an equal right with each of the 7 to expound it & to insist on the exposition. That the 7 might, in particular instances be right and the 17 wrong, is more than possible. But to establish a positive & permanent rule giving such a power to such a minority over such a majority, would overturn the first principle of free Govt. and in practice necessarily overturn the Govt. itself.<ref>Ellis p. 10. Ellis wrote, "But the nullifiers' attempt to legitimize their controversial doctrine by claiming it was a logical extension of the principles embodied in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions upset him. In a private letter he deliberately wrote for publication, Madison denied many of the assertions of the nullifiers and lashed out in particular at South Carolina's claim that if a state nullified an act of the federal government it could only be overruled by an amendment to the Constitution." Full text of the letter is available at http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071010052250/http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm |date=October 10, 2007 }}.</ref>}}
[[File:Webster's Reply to Hayne.jpg|right|thumb|250px|''Webster Replying to Hayne'' by George P.A. Healy]]
Part of the South's strategy to force repeal of the tariff was to arrange an alliance with the West. Under the plan, the South would support the West's demand for free lands in the public domain if the West supported repeal of the tariff. With this purpose, Robert Hayne took the floor on the Senate in early 1830, beginning "the most celebrated debate in the Senate's history." Daniel Webster's response shifted the debate, subsequently styled the Webster-Hayne debates, from the specific issue of western lands to a general debate on the very nature of the United States. Webster's position differed from Madison's: Webster asserted that the people of the United States acted as one aggregate body, while Madison held that the people of the several states acted collectively. [[John Rowan (politician)|John Rowan]] spoke against Webster on that issue, and Madison wrote, congratulating Webster, but explaining his own position.<ref>Brant, pp. 626–627. Webster never asserted the consolidating position again.</ref> The debate presented the fullest articulation of the differences over nullification, and 40,000 copies of Webster's response, which concluded with "liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable", were distributed nationwide.<ref>McDonald, pp. 105–106.</ref>
Many people expected Jackson to side with Hayne, but once the debate shifted to secession and nullification, he sided with Webster. On April 13, 1830, at the traditional Democratic Party celebration honoring Jefferson's birthday, Jackson chose to make his position clear. In a battle of toasts, Hayne proposed, "The Union of the States, and the Sovereignty of the States." Jackson's response, when his turn came, was, "Our Federal Union: It must be preserved." To those attending, the effect was dramatic. Calhoun responded with his own toast, in a play on Webster's closing remarks in the earlier debate, "The Union. Next to our liberty, the most dear." Finally, Van Buren offered, "Mutual forbearance and reciprocal concession. Through their agency the Union was established. The patriotic spirit from which they emanated will forever sustain it."
Van Buren wrote in his autobiography of Jackson's toast, "The veil was rent—the incantations of the night were exposed to the light of day." Senator [[Thomas Hart Benton (senator)|Thomas Hart Benton]], in his memoirs, wrote that the toast "electrified the country."<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 233–235.</ref> Jackson had the final word a few days later, when a visitor from South Carolina asked if Jackson had any message he wanted relayed to his friends back in the state. Jackson's reply was:
{{quote|Yes I have; please give my compliments to my friends in your State and say to them, that if a single drop of blood shall be shed there in opposition to the laws of the United States, I will hang the first man I can lay my hand on engaged in such treasonable conduct, upon the first tree I can reach.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson',' v. 2, pp. 233–237.</ref>}}
Other issues than the tariff were still being decided. In May 1830, Jackson vetoed the [[Maysville Road veto|Maysville Road Bill]], an important internal-improvements program (especially to Kentucky and Henry Clay), and then followed this with additional vetoes of other such projects shortly before Congress adjourned at the end of May. Clay used these vetoes to launch his presidential campaign.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 255–256. Peterson, pp. 196–197.</ref> In 1831, the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, with Clay and Jackson on opposite sides, reopened a long-simmering problem. This issue was featured at the December 1831 National Republican convention in [[Baltimore]], which nominated Clay for president, and the proposal to recharter was formally introduced into Congress on January 6, 1832.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 343–348.</ref> The Calhoun-Jackson split entered the center stage when Calhoun, as vice president presiding over the Senate, cast the tie-breaking vote to deny Van Buren the post of minister to [[England]]. Van Buren was subsequently selected as Jackson's running mate at the [[1832 Democratic National Convention]] held in May.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2 pp. 347–355.</ref>
[[File:Henry Clay.JPG|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Henry Clay]]
In February 1832, Clay, back in the Senate after a two-decade absence, made a three-day speech calling for a new tariff schedule and an expansion of his American System. In an effort to reach out to Calhoun and other Southerners, Clay's proposal provided for a $10 million revenue reduction based on the budget surplus he anticipated for the coming year. Significant protection was still part of the plan, as the reduction primarily came on imports not in competition with domestic producers. Jackson proposed an alternative that reduced overall tariffs to 28%. John Quincy Adams, now in the House of Representatives, used his Committee of Manufacturers to produce a compromise bill that, in its final form, reduced revenues by $5 million, lowered duties on noncompetitive products, and retained high tariffs on woolens, iron, and cotton products. During the political maneuvering, McDuffie's [[Ways and Means Committee]], the normal originator of such bills, prepared a bill with drastic reduction across the board, but it went nowhere. Jackson signed the Tariff of 1832 on July 14, 1832, a few days after vetoing the Bank of the United States recharter bill. Congress adjourned after failing to override Jackson's veto.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2 pp. 358–373. Peterson, pp. 203–212.</ref>
With Congress adjourned, Jackson anxiously watched events in South Carolina. The nullifiers found no significant compromise in the Tariff of 1832 and acted accordingly. Jackson heard rumors of efforts to subvert members of the army and navy in Charleston and ordered the secretaries of the army and navy to begin rotating troops and officers based on their loyalty. He ordered General [[Winfield Scott]] to prepare for military operations and ordered a naval squadron in [[Norfolk, Virginia|Norfolk]] to prepare to go to Charleston. Jackson kept lines of communication open with unionists such as [[Joel Roberts Poinsett|Joel Poinsett]], [[William Drayton]], and [[James L. Petigru]] and sent George Breathitt, brother of [[John Breathitt|the Kentucky governor]], to independently obtain political and military intelligence. After their defeat at the polls in October, Petigru advised Jackson to "Be prepared to hear very shortly of a State Convention and an act of Nullification."
On October 29, 1832, Jackson wrote to his [[Secretary of War]], [[Lewis Cass]]:
{{quote|The attempt will be made to surprise the Forts & garrisons by the militia, and must be guarded against with vestal vigilance and any attempt by force repelled with prompt and exemplary punishment.}}
By mid-November, Jackson's reelection was assured.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 382–389.</ref> On December 3, 1832, Jackson sent his fourth annual message to Congress. The message "was stridently states' rights and agrarian in its tone and thrust" and disavowed protection as anything other than a temporary expedient.<ref>Ellis p. 82.</ref> His intent regarding nullification, as communicated to Van Buren, was "to pass it barely in review, as a mere buble {{sic}}, view the existing laws as competent to check and put it down." He hoped to create a "moral force" that would transcend political parties and sections. The paragraph in the message that addressed nullification was:
{{quote|It is my painful duty to state that in one quarter of the United States opposition to the revenue laws has arisen to a height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. What ever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be able peaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers and the patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance on the moderation and good sense of all portions of our fellow citizens be disappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fully adequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable from any cause what ever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with a suggestion of such views and measures as may be deemed necessary to meet it.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 3 pp. 9–11. Full text of his message available at http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070713054535/http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html |date=July 13, 2007 }}</ref>}}
On December 10, Jackson issued the [[Proclamation to the People of South Carolina]], in which he characterized the positions of the nullifiers as "impractical absurdity" and "a metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit of an impractical theory." He provided this concise statement of his belief:
{{quote|I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which It was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.<ref>Ellis pg 83–84. Full document available at: {{cite web |url=http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm |title=The Avalon Project : President Jackson's Proclamation Regarding Nullification, December 10, 1832 |access-date=2006-08-10 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060824095525/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm |archive-date=August 24, 2006 |df=mdy-all }}</ref>}}
The language Jackson used, combined with the reports out of South Carolina, raised the spectre of military confrontation for many on both sides of the issue. A group of Democrats, led by Van Buren and Thomas Hart Benton, among others, saw the only solution to the crisis in a substantial reduction of the tariff.
==Negotiation and confrontation (1833)==
In apparent contradiction of his previous claim that the tariff could be enforced with existing laws, on January 16 Jackson sent his Force Bill Message to Congress. Custom houses in [[Beaufort, South Carolina|Beaufort]] and [[Georgetown, South Carolina|Georgetown]] would be closed and replaced by ships at each port. In Charleston, the custom house would be moved to either [[Castle Pinckney]] or [[Fort Moultrie]] in Charleston Harbor. Direct payment rather than bonds would be required, and federal jails would be established for violators the state refused to arrest and all cases arising under the state's nullification act could be removed to the [[United States Circuit Court]]. In the most controversial part, the militia acts of 1795 and 1807 would be revised to permit the enforcement of the customs laws by both the militia and the regular United States military. Attempts were made in South Carolina to shift the debate away from nullification by focusing instead on the proposed enforcement.<ref>Ellis, po. 93–95.</ref>
The Force bill went to the Senate Judiciary Committee, chaired by Pennsylvania protectionist [[William Wilkins (U.S. politician)|William Wilkins]] and supported by members Daniel Webster and [[Theodore Frelinghuysen]] of New Jersey; it gave Jackson everything he asked. On January 28, the Senate defeated a motion by a vote of 30 to 15 to postpone debate on the bill. All but two of the votes to delay were from the lower South and only three from this section voted against the motion. This did not signal any increased support for nullification, but did signify doubts about enforcement. To draw more votes, proposals were made to limit the duration of the coercive powers and restrict the use of force to suppressing, rather than preventing, civil disorder. In the House, the Judiciary Committee voted 4–3 to reject Jackson's request to use force. By the time Calhoun made a major speech on February 15 strongly opposing it, the Force Bill was temporarily stalled.<ref>Ellis, pp. 160–165. Peterson, pp. 222–224. Peterson differs with Ellis in arguing that passage of the Force Bill "was never in doubt."</ref>
On the tariff issue, the drafting of a compromise tariff was assigned in December to the House Ways and Means Committee, now headed by [[Gulian Crommelin Verplanck|Gulian C. Verplanck]]. Debate on the committee's product on the House floor began in January 1833. The Verplanck tariff proposed reductions back to 1816 levels over the next two years while maintaining the basic principle of [[protectionism]]. The anti-Jackson protectionists saw this as an economic disaster that did not even allow the Tariff of 1832 to be tested and "an undignified truckling to the menaces and blustering of South Carolina." Northern Democrats did not oppose it in principle, but still demanded protection for the varying interests of their own constituents. Those sympathetic to the nullifiers wanted a specific abandonment of the principle of protectionism and were willing to offer a longer transition period as a bargaining point. The Verplanck tariff was clearly not going to be implemented.<ref>Ellis, pp. 99–100. Peterson, p. 217.</ref>
In South Carolina, efforts were being made to avoid an unnecessary confrontation. Governor Hayne ordered the 25,000 troops he had created to train at home rather than gather in Charleston. At a mass meeting in Charleston on January 21, they decided to postpone the February 1 deadline for implementing nullification, while Congress worked on a compromise tariff. At the same time, a commissioner from Virginia, [[Benjamin W. Leigh]], arrived in Charleston bearing resolutions that criticized both Jackson and the nullifiers and offering his state as a mediator.<ref>Wilentz, pp. 384–385.</ref>
Clay had not taken his defeat in the presidential election well and was unsure what position he could take in the tariff negotiations. His long-term concern was that Jackson was determined to kill protectionism along with the American Plan. In February, after consulting with manufacturers and sugar interests in Louisiana, who favored protection for the sugar industry, Clay started to work on a specific compromise plan. As a starting point, he accepted the nullifiers' offer of a transition period, but extended it from seven and a half years to nine years with a final target of a 20% ''ad valorem'' rate. After first securing the support of his protectionist base, Clay, through an intermediary, broached the subject with Calhoun. Calhoun was receptive, and after a private meeting with Clay at Clay's boardinghouse, negotiations proceeded.<ref>Peterson, pp. 217–226.</ref>
Clay introduced the negotiated tariff bill on February 12, and it was immediately referred to a select committee consisting of Clay as chairman, [[Felix Grundy]] of Tennessee, [[George M. Dallas]] of Pennsylvania, [[William Cabell Rives]] of Virginia, Webster, [[John M. Clayton]] of Delaware, and Calhoun. On February 21, the committee reported a bill to the floor of the Senate that was largely Clay's original bill. The Tariff of 1832 would continue except that reduction of all rates above 20% would be reduced by one tenth every two years, with the final reductions back to 20% coming in 1842. Protectionism as a principle was not abandoned and provisions were made for raising the tariff if national interests demanded it.<ref>Peterson, pp. 226–228.</ref>
Although not specifically linked by any negotiated agreement, it became clear that the Force Bill and [[Tariff of 1833|Compromise Tariff of 1833]] were inexorably linked. In his February 25 speech ending the debate on the tariff, Clay captured the spirit of the voices for compromise by condemning Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina as inflammatory, admitting the same problem with the Force Bill, but indicating its necessity, and praising the Compromise Tariff as the final measure to restore balance, promote the rule of law, and avoid the "sacked cities", "desolated fields", and "smoking ruins" he said the failure to reach a final accord would produce. The House passed the Compromise Tariff, 119–85, and the Force Bill, 149–48. In the Senate, the tariff passed 29–16 and the Force bill 32–1, with many opponents of it walking out rather than voting.<ref>Peterson pp. 229–232.</ref>
Calhoun rushed to Charleston with the news of the final compromises. The Nullification Convention met again on March 11. It repealed the November Nullification Ordinance and also, "in a purely symbolic gesture", nullified the Force Bill. While the nullifiers claimed victory on the tariff issue, even though they had made concessions, the verdict was very different on nullification. The majority had in the end ruled and this boded ill for the South and its minority's hold on slavery.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 295–297.</ref> Rhett summed this up at the convention on March 13. Warning that "A people, owning slaves, are mad, or worse than mad, who do not hold their destinies in their own hands," he continued:
{{quote|Every stride of this Government, over your rights, brings it nearer and nearer to your peculiar policy. ... The whole world are in arms against your institutions ... Let Gentlemen not be deceived. It is not the Tariff—not Internal Improvement—nor yet the Force bill, which constitutes the great evil against which we are contending. ... These are but the forms in which the despotic nature of the government is evinced—but it is the despotism which constitutes the evil: and until this Government is made a limited Government ... there is no liberty—no security for the South.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 297. Willentz p. 388.</ref>}}
==Aftermath==
People reflected on the meaning of the nullification crisis and its outcome for the country. On May 1, 1833, Jackson predicted, "the tariff was only a pretext, and [[Secession in the United States|disunion]] and [[Confederate States of America|Southern confederacy]] the real object. The next pretext will be the negro, or [[History of slavery in the United States|slavery]] question."<ref>[[Jon Meacham]] (2009), ''[[American Lion (book)|American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House]]'', New York: Random House, p. 247; ''Correspondence of Andrew Jackson'', Vol. V, p. 72.</ref>
The final resolution of the crisis and Jackson's leadership had appeal throughout the North and South. [[Robert V. Remini]], the historian and Jackson biographer, described the opposition that nullification drew from traditionally states' rights Southern states:
{{quote|The Alabama legislature, for example, pronounced the doctrine "unsound in theory and dangerous in practice." Georgia said it was "mischievous", "rash and revolutionary". Mississippi lawmakers chided the South Carolinians for acting with "reckless precipitancy".<ref>Remini, Andrew Jackson, v3. p. 42.</ref>}}
The historian [[Forrest McDonald]], describing the split over nullification among proponents of states' rights, wrote, "The doctrine of states' rights, as embraced by most Americans, was not concerned exclusively, or even primarily, with state resistance to federal authority."<ref>McDonald, p. 110.</ref> But by the end of the nullification crisis, many Southerners questioned whether Jacksonian Democrats still represented Southern interests. The historian [[William J. Cooper Jr.]] notes, "Numerous Southerners had begun to perceive it [the Jacksonian Democratic Party] as a spear aimed at the South rather than a shield defending the South."<ref name="Cooper pp. 53–65">Cooper, pp. 53–65.</ref>
In the political vacuum created by this alienation, the Southern wing of the [[Whig Party (United States)|Whig Party]] was formed. The party was a coalition of interests united by the common thread of opposition to Jackson, and more specifically to his "definition of [[Federal power|federal]] and executive power." The party included former National Republicans with an "urban, commercial, and nationalist outlook", as well as former nullifiers. Emphasizing that "they were more southern than the Democrats," the party grew within the South by going "after the abolition issue with unabashed vigor and glee." With both parties arguing who could best defend Southern institutions, the nuances of the differences between [[free soil]] and [[Abolitionism in the United States|abolitionism]], which became an issue in the late 1840s with the [[Mexican–American War|Mexican War]] and territorial expansion, never became part of the political dialogue. This failure increased the slavery issue's volatility.<ref name="Cooper pp. 53–65"/>
Richard Ellis argues that the end of the crisis signified the beginning of a new era. Within the states' rights movement, the traditional desire for "a weak, inactive, and frugal government" was challenged. Ellis writes, "in the years leading up to the Civil War the nullifiers and their proslavery allies used the doctrine of states' rights and state sovereignty in such a way as to try to expand the powers of the federal government so that it could more effectively protect the peculiar institution." By the 1850s, states' rights had become a call for state equality under the Constitution.<ref>Ellis, p. 198.</ref>
Madison reacted to this incipient tendency by writing two paragraphs of "Advice to My Country", found among his papers. It said that the Union "should be cherished and perpetuated. Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with her [[Pandora's box|box]] opened; and the disguised one, as the Serpent creeping with his deadly wiles into paradise." [[Richard Rush]] published this "Advice" in 1850, by which time Southern spirit was so high that it was denounced as a forgery.<ref>Brant p. 646; Rush produced a copy in Mrs. Madison's hand; the original also survives. The contemporary letter to [[Edward Coles]] (Brant, p. 639) makes plain that the enemy in question is the nullifier.</ref>
The first test for the South over slavery began during the final congressional session of 1835. In what became known as the [[Gag Rule]] Debates, abolitionists flooded Congress with petitions to end [[slavery in the District of Columbia]], where states' rights was not an issue. The debate was reopened each session as Southerners, led by South Carolinians Henry Pinckney and John Hammond, prevented the petitions from even being officially received by Congress. Led by John Quincy Adams, the slavery debate remained on the national stage until late 1844, when Congress lifted all restrictions on processing the petitions.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 346–356. McDonald (pp. 121–122) saw states' rights in the period from 1833–1847 as almost totally successful in creating a "virtually nonfunctional" federal government. This did not insure political harmony, as "the national political arena became the center of heated controversy concerning the newly raised issue of slavery, a controversy that reached the flash point during the debates about the annexation of the Republic of Texas."</ref>
Describing the legacy of the crisis, Sean Wilentz writes:
{{quote|The battle between Jacksonian democratic nationalists, northern and southern, and nullifier sectionalists would resound through the politics of slavery and antislavery for decades to come. Jackson's victory, ironically, would help accelerate the emergence of southern pro-slavery as a coherent and articulate political force, which would help solidify northern antislavery opinion, inside as well as outside Jackson's party. Those developments would accelerate the emergence of two fundamentally incompatible democracies, one in the slave South, the other in the free North.<ref name="Wilentz pg. 388"/>}}
For South Carolina, the legacy of the crisis involved both the divisions within the state during the crisis and the apparent isolation of the state as the crisis was resolved. By 1860, when it became the first state to secede, it was more internally united than any other Southern state. Historian Charles Edward Cauthen writes:
{{quote|Probably to a greater extent than in any other Southern state South Carolina had been prepared by her leaders over a period of thirty years for the issues of 1860. Indoctrination in the principles of state sovereignty, education in the necessity of maintaining Southern institutions, warnings of the dangers of control of the federal government by a section hostile to its interests—in a word, the education of the masses in the principles and necessity of secession under certain circumstances—had been carried on with a skill and success hardly inferior to the masterly propaganda of the abolitionists themselves. It was this education, this propaganda, by South Carolina leaders which made secession the almost spontaneous movement that it was.<ref>Cauthen, p. 32.</ref>}}
==See also==
* [[Origins of the American Civil War]]
* [[American School (economics)]]
* [[Friedrich List]]
==References==
{{reflist|2}}
==Sources==
* Brant, Irving: ''The Fourth President: A Life of James Madison'' Bobbs Merrill, 1970.{{ISBN?}}
* Buel, Richard Jr. ''America on the Brink: How the Political Struggle Over the War of 1812 Almost Destroyed the Young Republic'' (2005) {{ISBN|1-4039-6238-3}}
* Cauthen, Charles Edward. ''South Carolina Goes to War'' (1950) {{ISBN|1-57003-560-1}}
* Cooper, William J. Jr. ''The South and the Politics of Slavery 1828–1856'' (1978) {{ISBN|0-8071-0385-3}}
* Craven, Avery. ''The Coming of the Civil War'' (1942) {{ISBN|0-226-11894-0}}
* Ellis, Richard E. ''The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights, and the Nullification Crisis'' (1987)
* Freehling, William W. ''The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776–1854'' (1991), Vol. 1
* Freehling, William W. ''Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816–1836'' (1965) {{ISBN|0-19-507681-8}}
* Howe, Daniel Walker. ''What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848''. (2007) {{ISBN|978-0-19-507894-7}}
* McDonald, Forrest. ''States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio 1776–1876'' (2000) {{ISBN|0-7006-1040-5}}
* Meacham, Jon. '' [https://archive.org/details/americanlion00jonm American lion : Andrew Jackson in the White House] online]
* Niven, John. ''John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union'' (1988) {{ISBN|0-8071-1451-0}}
* Peterson, Merrill D. ''The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun'' (1987) {{ISBN|0-19-503877-0}}
* Remini, Robert V. ''Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822–1832, v2'' (1981) {{ISBN|0-06-014844-6}}
* Remini, Robert V. ''Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833–1845, v3'' (1984) {{ISBN|0-06-015279-6}}
* Remini, Robert V. ''Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union'' (1991) {{ISBN|0-393-31088-4}}
* Tuttle, Charles A. (Court Reporter) ''California Digest: A Digest of the Reports of the Supreme Court of California, Volume 26'' (1906)
* Walther, Eric C. ''The Fire-Eaters'' (1992) {{ISBN|0-8071-1731-5}}
* Wilentz, Sean. ''The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln'' (2005) {{ISBN|0-393-05820-4}}
* Woods, Thomas E. Jr. ''Nullification'' (2010) {{ISBN|978-1-59698-149-2}}
==Further reading==
* {{cite book |last=Barnwell |first=John |title=Love of Order: South Carolina's First Secession Crisis |url=https://archive.org/details/loveofordersouth0000barn |url-access=registration |location=Chapel Hill |publisher=University of North Carolina Press |year=1982 |isbn=0-8078-1498-9 }}
* {{cite book |last=Capers |first=Gerald M. |title=John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal |url=https://archive.org/details/johnccalhounoppo0000cape |url-access=registration |location=Gainesville |publisher=University of Florida Press |year=1960 }}
* {{cite book |last=Coit |first=Margaret L. |title=John C. Calhoun: American Portrait |location=Boston |publisher=Houghton Mifflin Co. |year=1950 }}
* {{cite book | first = David Franklin | last = Houston | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-XssAAAAIAAJ | title = A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina | year = 1896 | publisher = Longmans, Green, and Co.| isbn = 9780722245958 }}
* {{cite journal |last=Latner |first=Richard B. |title=The Nullification Crisis and Republican Subversion |journal=Journal of Southern History |volume=43 |year=1977 |issue=1 |pages=18–38 |doi=10.2307/2207553 |jstor=2207553 }}
* {{cite book |last=McCurry |first=Stephanie |title=Masters of Small Worlds: Yeoman Households, Gender Relations and the Political Culture of the Antebellum South Carolina Low Country |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1995 |isbn=0-19-507236-7 }}
* {{cite journal |last1=Pease |first1=Jane H. |first2=William H. |last2=Pease |title=The Economics and Politics of Charleston's Nullification Crisis |journal=Journal of Southern History |volume=47 |year=1981 |issue=3 |pages=335–362 |doi=10.2307/2207798 |jstor=2207798 }}
* {{cite journal |last=Ratcliffe |first=Donald |title=The Nullification Crisis, Southern Discontents, and the American Political Process |journal=American Nineteenth Century History |volume=1 |issue=2 |year=2000 |pages=1–30 |doi=10.1080/14664650008567014 |s2cid=144242176 }}
* {{cite book |last=Wiltse |first=Charles |title=John C. Calhoun, Nullifier, 1829–1839 |url=https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.155768 |location=Indianapolis |publisher=Bobbs-Merrill |year=1949 }}
==External links==
* [[s:South Carolina Exposition and Protest|South Carolina Exposition and Protest]], by Calhoun, 1828.
* [[s:Fort Hill Address|The Fort Hill Address: On the Relations of the States and the Federal Government]], by Calhoun, July 1831.
* [[s:Ordinance of Nullification|South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification]], November 24, 1832.
** [[s:Proclamation 43|President Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina]], December 10, 1832.
*** [[s:An Exposition of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798|An Exposition of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798]], by [[Abel P. Upshur]], defending nullification and South Carolina.
*** [[s:A Review of the Proclamation of President Jackson|A Review of the Proclamation of President Jackson]], by [[Littleton Waller Tazewell]].
* [https://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/Nullification.html Primary Documents in American History: Nullification Proclamation] (Library of Congress)
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20070219200227/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/messages/ajack001.htm President Jackson's Message to the Senate and House Regarding South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance], January 16, 1833
* [http://www.campaignforliberty.com/article.php?view=57 Nullification Revisited: An article examining the constitutionality of nullification] (from a favorable aspect, and with regard to both recent and historical events).
* [http://edsitement.neh.gov/lesson-plan/early-threat-secession-missouri-compromise-1820-and-nullification-crisis Early Threat of Secession: Missouri Compromise of 1820 and Nullification Crisis]
{{Andrew Jackson}}
{{American Civil War |expanded=Origins}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Nullification Crisis}}
[[Category:1832 in South Carolina]]
[[Category:1833 in South Carolina]]
[[Category:Nullification crisis| ]]
[[Category:Constitutional crises]]
[[Category:History of South Carolina]]
[[Category:Political history of the United States]]
[[Category:Politics of South Carolina]]
[[Category:Presidency of Andrew Jackson]]
[[Category:Separatism in the United States]]
[[Category:Origins of the American Civil War]]' |
New page wikitext, after the edit (new_wikitext) | '{{short description|Event during the presidency of Andrew Jackson}}
{{Over-quotation|date=November 2019}}
{{Use American English|date = September 2019}}
{{Use mdy dates|date=July 2014}}
{{Events leading to US Civil War}}
{{Andrew Jackson series}}
The '''nullification crisis''' was dumb ass thing that happened the bikini bottom a [[sectionalism|sectional]] political crisis in the [[United States]] in 1832 and 1833, during the [[presidency of Andrew Jackson]], which involved a confrontation between the state of [[South Carolina]] and the federal government. It ensued after South Carolina declared the federal [[Tariff of 1828|Tariffs of 1828]] and [[Tariff of 1832|1832]] unconstitutional and therefore null and void within the sovereign boundaries of the state. However, courts at the state and federal level, including the [[Supreme Court of the United States|U.S. Supreme Court]], repeatedly have rejected the theory of [[Nullification (U.S. Constitution)|nullification by states]].<ref>See ''[[Cooper v. Aaron]]'', 358 U.S. 1 (1958), ''[http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/364/500/case.html Bush v. Orleans Parish School Board] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160807144400/http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/364/500/case.html |date=August 7, 2016 }}'', 364 U.S. 500 (1960), ''[[Ableman v. Booth]]'', 62 U.S. 506 (1859), and ''[http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/9/115/case.html United States v. Peters] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170712132940/http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/9/115/case.html |date=July 12, 2017 }}'', 9 U.S. (5 Cranch) 115 (1809).</ref><ref>"[S]tates throughout U.S. history have attempted to use variations of the nullification doctrine to invalidate national law. However, every attempt by states to nullify federal law was clearly rejected by not only the federal government but also by other states." Card, Ryan, [http://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2558&context=lawreview "Can States 'Just Say No' to Federal Health Care Reform? The Constitutional and Political Implications of State Attempts to Nullify Federal Law", 2010 B.Y.U. Law Review 1795, 1808 (2010)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150118013523/http://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2558&context=lawreview |date=January 18, 2015 }}.</ref>
The controversial and highly protective [[Tariff of 1828]] was enacted into law during the presidency of [[John Quincy Adams]]. The tariff was strongly opposed in the South, since it was perceived to put an unfair tax burden on the Southern agrarian states that imported most manufactured goods. The tariff's opponents expected that Jackson's election as president would result in a significant reduction of it.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v2, pp. 136–137. Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 143.</ref> When the Jackson administration failed to take any action to address their concerns, South Carolina's most radical faction began to advocate that the state nullify the tariff. They subscribed to the legal theory that if a state believed a federal law unconstitutional, it could declare the law null and void in the state. In Washington, an open split on the issue occurred between Jackson and [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]] [[John C. Calhoun]], a native South Carolinian and the most effective proponent of the constitutional theory of state nullification.<ref>Craven, p. 65. Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 143.</ref>
On July 1, 1832, before Calhoun resigned the vice presidency to run for the [[United States Senate|Senate]], where he could more effectively defend nullification,<ref>Niven p. 192. Calhoun replaced Robert Y. Hayne as senator so that Hayne could follow James Hamilton as governor. Niven writes, "There is no doubt that these moves were part of a well-thought-out plan whereby Hayne would restrain the hotheads in the state legislature and Calhoun would defend his brainchild, nullification, in Washington against administration stalwarts and the likes of Daniel Webster, the new apostle of northern nationalism."</ref> Jackson signed into law the Tariff of 1832. This compromise tariff received the support of most Northerners and half the Southerners in Congress.<ref>Howe p. 410. In the Senate, only Virginia and South Carolina voted against the 1832 tariff. Howe writes, "Most southerners saw the measure as a significant amelioration of their grievance and were now content to back Jackson for reelection rather than pursue the more drastic remedy such as the one South Carolina was touting."</ref> South Carolina remained unsatisfied, and on November 24, 1832, a state convention adopted the [[Ordinance of Nullification]], which declared that the Tariffs of 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and unenforceable in South Carolina after February 1, 1833.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://historyengine.richmond.edu/episodes/view/300 |title=South Carolina Legislature Passes the Ordinance of Nullification |website=History Engine |publisher=[[University of Richmond]] |df=mdy-all |access-date=2019-11-21 |archive-date=February 13, 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200213024052/https://historyengine.richmond.edu/episodes/view/300 |url-status=live }}</ref> South Carolina initiated military preparations to resist anticipated federal enforcement,<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'' pp. 1–3. Freehling writes, "In Charleston Governor Robert Y. Hayne ... tried to form an army which could hope to challenge the forces of 'Old Hickory'. Hayne recruited a brigade of mounted minutemen, 2,000 strong, which could swoop down on Charleston the moment fighting broke out, and a volunteer army of 25,000 men, which could march on foot to save the beleaguered city. In the North, Governor Hayne's agents bought over $100,000 worth of arms; in Charleston, Hamilton readied his volunteers for an assault on the federal forts."</ref> but on March 1, 1833, Congress passed both the [[Force Bill]]—authorizing the president to use military forces against South Carolina—and a new negotiated tariff, the [[Tariff of 1833|Compromise Tariff of 1833]], which was satisfactory to South Carolina. The South Carolina convention reconvened and repealed its Nullification Ordinance on March 15, 1833, but three days later, nullified the Force Bill as a symbolic gesture of principle.
The crisis was over, and both sides found reasons to claim victory. The tariff rates were reduced and stayed low to the satisfaction of the South, but the [[states' rights]] doctrine of nullification remained controversial. By the 1850s, the issues of the expansion of [[slavery]] into the western territories and the threat of the [[Slave Power]] became the central issues in the nation.<ref name="Wilentz pg. 388">Wilentz, p. 388.</ref>
==Background (1787–1816)==
The historian Richard E. Ellis wrote:
{{quote| By creating a national government with the authority to act directly upon individuals, by denying to the state many of the prerogatives that they formerly had, and by leaving open to the central government the possibility of claiming for itself many powers not explicitly assigned to it, the Constitution and [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]] as finally ratified substantially increased the strength of the central government at the expense of the states.<ref>Ellis, p. 4.</ref>}}
The extent of this change and the problem of the actual distribution of powers between state and the federal governments would be a matter of political and ideological discussion through the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] as well as afterwards.<ref>McDonald p. vii. McDonald wrote, "Of all the problems that beset the United States during the century from the Declaration of Independence to the end of Reconstruction, the most pervasive concerned disagreements about the nature of the Union and the line to be drawn between the authority of the general government and that of the several states. At times the issue bubbled silently and unseen between the surface of public consciousness; at times it exploded: now and again the balance between general and local authority seemed to be settled in one direction or another, only to be upset anew and to move back toward the opposite position, but the contention never went away."</ref> In the early 1790s the debate centered on [[Alexander Hamilton]]'s nationalistic financial program versus Jefferson's democratic and agrarian program, a conflict that led to the formation of two opposing national political parties. Later in the decade the [[Alien and Sedition Acts]] led to the [[states' rights]] position being articulated in the ''[[Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions]]''.<ref>Ellis pp. 1–2.</ref> The Kentucky Resolutions, written by [[Thomas Jefferson]], contained the following, which has often been cited as a justification for both nullification and [[Secession in the United States|secession]]:
{{quote|... that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the general government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non fœderis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect for its co-States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it ...<ref>For full text of the resolutions, see [[s:Kentucky Resolutions of 1798|Kentucky Resolutions of 1798]] and [[s:Kentucky Resolutions of 1799|Kentucky Resolutions of 1799]].</ref>}}
The Virginia Resolutions, written by [[James Madison]], hold a similar argument:
{{quote|The resolutions, having taken this view of the Federal compact, proceed to infer that, in cases of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose to arrest the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. ... The Constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the States, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of the Constitution, that it rests on this solid foundation. The States, then, being parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal above their authority to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and, consequently, as parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition.<ref>James Madison, [[s:Virginia Resolutions of 1798|Virginia Resolutions of 1798]]</ref>}}
Historians differ over the extent to which either resolution advocated the doctrine of nullification. Historian [[Lance Banning]] wrote, "The legislators of Kentucky (or more likely, [[John Breckinridge (U.S. Attorney General)|John Breckinridge]], the Kentucky legislator who sponsored the resolution) deleted Jefferson's suggestion that the rightful remedy for federal usurpation was a "nullification" of such acts by each state acting on its own to prevent their operation within its respective borders. Rather than suggesting individual, although concerted, measures of this sort, Kentucky was content to ask its sisters to unite in declarations that the acts were "void and of no force", and in "requesting their appeal" at the succeeding session of the Congress."<ref>Banning p. 388.</ref> The key sentence, and the word "nullification" was used in supplementary Resolutions passed by Kentucky in 1799.<ref>Brant, pp. 297, 629.</ref>
Madison's judgment is clearer. He was chairman of a committee of the Virginia Legislature, which issued a book-length [[Report of 1800|''Report on the Resolutions of 1798'']], published in 1800 after they had been decried by several states. This asserted that the state did not claim legal force. "The declarations in such cases are expressions of opinion, unaccompanied by other effect than what they may produce upon opinion, by exciting reflection. The opinions of the judiciary, on the other hand, are carried into immediate effect by force." If the states collectively agreed in their declarations, there were several methods by which it might prevail, from persuading Congress to repeal the unconstitutional law, to calling a constitutional convention, as two-thirds of the states may.<ref>Brant, p. 298.</ref> When, at the time of the nullification crisis, he was presented with the Kentucky resolutions of 1799, he argued that the resolutions themselves were not Jefferson's words, and that Jefferson meant this not as a constitutional, but as a revolutionary right.<ref>Brant, p. 629.</ref>
Madison biographer Ralph Ketcham wrote:
{{quote|Though Madison agreed entirely with the specific condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Acts, with the concept of the limited delegated power of the general government, and even with the proposition that laws contrary to the Constitution were illegal, he drew back from the declaration that each state legislature had the power to act within its borders against the authority of the general government to oppose laws the legislature deemed unconstitutional.<ref>Ketcham p. 396.</ref>}}
Historian [[Sean Wilentz]] explains the widespread opposition to these resolutions:
{{quote|Several states followed [[Maryland House of Delegates|Maryland's House of Delegates]] in rejecting the idea that any state could, by legislative action, even claim that a federal law was unconstitutional, and suggested that any effort to do so was treasonous. A few northern states, including Massachusetts, denied the powers claimed by Kentucky and Virginia and insisted that the Sedition law was perfectly constitutional . ... Ten state legislatures with heavy Federalist majorities from around the country censured Kentucky and Virginia for usurping powers that supposedly belonged to the federal judiciary. Northern Republicans supported the resolutions' objections to the alien and sedition acts, but opposed the idea of state review of federal laws. Southern Republicans outside Virginia and Kentucky were eloquently silent about the matter, and no southern legislature heeded the call to battle.<ref>Wilentz, p. 80.</ref>}}
[[File:Thomas Jefferson by Rembrandt Peale, 1800.jpg|thumb|left|Portrait of [[Thomas Jefferson]] by [[Rembrandt Peale]], 1800]]
The [[election of 1800]] was a turning point in national politics, as the Federalists were replaced by the [[Democratic-Republican Party]] led by Jefferson, but the four presidential terms spanning the period from 1800 to 1817 "did little to advance the cause of states' rights and much to weaken it." Over Jefferson's opposition, the power of the federal judiciary, led by Federalist Chief Justice [[John Marshall]], increased. Jefferson expanded federal powers with the acquisition of the [[Louisiana Territory]] and his use of a [[Embargo Act of 1807|national embargo]] designed to prevent involvement in a European war. Madison in 1809 used national troops to enforce a Supreme Court decision in Pennsylvania, appointed an "extreme nationalist" in [[Joseph Story]] to the Supreme Court, signed the bill creating the [[Second Bank of the United States]], and called for a constitutional amendment to promote [[internal improvements]].<ref>Ellis, p. 5. Madison called for the constitutional amendment because he believed much of the [[American System (economic plan)|American System]] was unconstitutional. Historian Richard Buel Jr. notes that in preparing for the worst from the [[Hartford Convention]], the Madison administration made preparation to intervene militarily in case of New England secession. Troops from the Canada–US border were moved near Albany so that they could move into either Massachusetts or Connecticut if necessary. [[New England]] troops were also returned to their recruitment areas in order to serve as a focus for loyalists. Buel, pp. 220–221.</ref>
Opposition to the [[War of 1812]] was centered in New England. Delegates to a convention in [[Hartford, Connecticut]], met in December 1814 to consider a New England response to Madison's war policy. The debate allowed many radicals to argue the cause of states' rights and state sovereignty. In the end, moderate voices dominated and the final product was not secession or nullification, but a series of proposed constitutional amendments.<ref>McDonald, pp. 69–70.</ref> Identifying the South's domination of the government as the cause of much of their problems, the proposed amendments included "the repeal of the [[Three-fifths compromise|three-fifths clause]], a requirement that two-thirds of both houses of Congress agree before any new state could be admitted to the Union, limits on the length of embargoes, and the outlawing of the election of a president from the same state to successive terms, clearly aimed at the Virginians."<ref>Wilentz p. 166.</ref> The war was over before the proposals were submitted to President Madison.
[[File:James Madison (cropped 3x4 close).jpg|right|thumb|[[James Madison]]]]
After the conclusion of the War of 1812 [[Sean Wilentz]] notes:
{{quote|Madison's speech [his 1815 annual message to Congress] affirmed that the war had reinforced the evolution of mainstream Republicanism, moving it further away from its original and localist assumptions. The war's immense strain on the treasury led to new calls from nationalist Republicans for a national bank. The difficulties in moving and supplying troops exposed the wretchedness of the country's transportation links, and the need for extensive new roads and canals. A boom in American manufacturing during the prolonged cessation of trade with Britain created an entirely new class of enterprisers, most of them tied politically to the Republicans, who might not survive without tariff protection. More broadly, the war reinforced feelings of national identity and connection.<ref>Wilentz, p. 181.</ref>}}
This spirit of nationalism was linked to the tremendous growth and economic prosperity of this postwar era. However in 1819, the nation suffered its [[Panic of 1819|first financial panic]] and the 1820s turned out to be a decade of political turmoil that again led to fierce debates over competing views of the exact nature of American federalism. The "extreme democratic and agrarian rhetoric" that had been so effective in 1798 led to renewed attacks on the "numerous market-oriented enterprises, particularly banks, corporations, creditors, and absentee landholders".<ref>Ellis, p. 6. Wilentz, p. 182.</ref>
==Tariffs (1816–1828)==
The [[Tariff of 1816]] had some protective features, and it received support throughout the nation, including that of John C. Calhoun and fellow South Carolinian [[William Lowndes (congressman)|William Lowndes]].<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 92–93.</ref> The first explicitly protective tariff linked to a specific program of internal improvements was the [[Tariff of 1824]].<ref>Wilentz p. 243. Economic historian [[Frank Taussig]] notes "The act of 1816, which is generally said to mark the beginning of a distinctly protective policy in this country, belongs rather to the earlier series of acts, beginning with that of 1789, than to the group of acts of 1824, 1828, and 1832. Its highest permanent rate of duty was twenty per cent., an increase over the previous rates, which is chiefly accounted for by the heavy interest charge on the debt incurred during the war. But after the crash of 1819, a movement in favor of protection set in, which was backed by a strong popular feeling such as had been absent in the earlier years." [http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136 The Tariff History of the United States (Part I)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071021182532/http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136 |date=October 21, 2007 }} ''Teaching American History''</ref> Sponsored by [[Henry Clay]], this tariff provided a general level of protection at 35% [[ad valorem tax|ad valorem]] (compared to 25% with the 1816 act) and hiked duties on iron, woolens, cotton, hemp, and wool and cotton bagging. The bill barely passed the federal [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]] by a vote of 107 to 102. The Middle states and Northwest supported the bill, the South and Southwest opposed it, and New England split its vote with a majority opposing it. In the Senate, the bill, with the support of [[Tennessee]] Senator [[Andrew Jackson]], passed by four votes, and President [[James Monroe]], the Virginia heir to the Jefferson-Madison control of the [[White House]], signed the bill on March 25, 1824.<ref>Remini, ''Henry Clay'', p. 232. Freehling, ''The Road to Disunion'', p. 257.</ref> [[Daniel Webster]] of [[Massachusetts]] led the New England opposition to this tariff.<ref>McDonald, p. 95.</ref>
Protest against the prospect and the constitutionality of higher tariffs began in 1826 and 1827 with [[William Branch Giles]], who had the Virginia legislature pass resolutions denying the power of Congress to pass protective tariffs, citing the Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and James Madison's 1800 defense of them. Madison denied both the appeal to nullification and the unconstitutionality; he had always held that the power to regulate commerce included protection. Jefferson had, at the end of his life, written against protective tariffs.<ref>Brant, p. 622.</ref>
[[File:MVan Buren-portrait.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Martin Van Buren]]
The Tariff of 1828 was largely the work of [[Martin Van Buren]] (although [[Silas Wright Jr.]] of New York prepared the main provisions) and was partly a political ploy to elect Andrew Jackson President. Van Buren calculated that the South would vote for Jackson regardless of the issues, so he ignored their interests in drafting the bill. New England, he thought, was just as likely to support the incumbent John Quincy Adams, so the bill levied heavy taxes on raw materials consumed by New England such as hemp, flax, molasses, iron, and sail duck. With an additional tariff on iron to satisfy Pennsylvania interests, Van Buren expected the tariff to help deliver [[Pennsylvania]], [[New York (state)|New York]], [[Missouri]], [[Ohio]], and Kentucky to Jackson. Over opposition from the South and some from New England, the tariff was passed with the full support of many Jackson supporters in Congress and signed by President Adams in early 1828.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v2, pp. 136–137. McDonald presents a slightly different rationale. He stated that the bill would "adversely affect New England woolen manufacturers, ship builders, and shipowners" and Van Buren calculated that New England and the South would unite to defeat the bill, allowing Jacksonians to have it both ways—in the North they could claim they tried but failed to pass a needed tariff and in the South they could claim that they had thwarted an effort to increase import duties. McDonald, pp. 94–95.</ref>
As expected, Jackson and his running mate John Calhoun carried the entire South with overwhelming numbers in every state but Louisiana, where Adams drew 47% of the vote in a losing effort. But many Southerners became dissatisfied as Jackson, in his first two annual messages to Congress, failed to launch a strong attack on the tariff. Historian [[William J. Cooper Jr.]] writes:
{{quote|The most doctrinaire ideologues of the Old Republican group [supporters of the Jefferson and Madison position in the late 1790s] first found Jackson wanting. These purists identified the tariff of 1828, the hated Tariff of Abominations, as the most heinous manifestation of the nationalist policy they abhorred. That protective tariff violated their constitutional theory, for, as they interpreted the document, it gave no permission for a protective tariff. Moreover, they saw protection as benefiting the North and hurting the South.<ref>Cooper, pp. 11–12.</ref>}}
==South Carolina background (1819–1828)==
[[File:Sket-Calhoun.jpg|thumb|left|210px|John C. Calhoun]]
South Carolina had been adversely affected by the national economic decline of the 1820s. During this decade, the population decreased by 56,000 whites and 30,000 slaves, out of a total free and slave population of 580,000. The whites left for better places; they took slaves with them or sold them to traders moving slaves to the Deep South for sale.<ref>Freehling, ''The Road to Disunion'', p. 255. Historian [[Avery Craven]] wrote, "Historians have generally ignored the fact that the South Carolina statesmen, in the so-called Nullification controversy, were struggling against a practical situation. They have conjured up a great struggle between nationalism and States" rights and described these men as theorists reveling in constitutional refinements for the mere sake of logic. Yet here was a clear case of commercial and agricultural depression. Craven, p. 60.</ref>
Historian Richard E. Ellis describes the situation:
{{quote|Throughout the colonial and early national periods, South Carolina had sustained substantial economic growth and prosperity. This had created an extremely wealthy and extravagant low country aristocracy whose fortunes were based first on the cultivation of rice and indigo, and then on cotton. Then the state was devastated by the [[Panic of 1819]]. The depression that followed was more severe than in almost any other state of the Union. Moreover, competition from the newer cotton producing areas along the [[Gulf Coast of the United States|Gulf Coast]], blessed with fertile lands that produced a higher crop-yield per acre, made recovery painfully slow. To make matters worse, in large areas of South Carolina slaves vastly outnumbered whites, and there existed both considerable fear of slave rebellion and a growing sensitivity to even the smallest criticism of "the peculiar institution."<ref>Ellis, p. 7. Freehling notes that divisions over nullification in the state generally corresponded to the extent that the section suffered economically. The exception was the "Low country rice and luxury cotton planters" who supported nullification despite their ability to survive the economic depression. This section had the highest percentage of slave population. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 25.</ref>}}
[[File:George-McDuffie.jpg|thumb|right|200px|George McDuffie]]
State leaders, led by states' rights advocates such as [[William Smith (South Carolina senator)|William Smith]] and [[Thomas Cooper (American politician, born 1759)|Thomas Cooper]], blamed most of the state's economic problems on the Tariff of 1816 and national internal improvement projects. [[Soil erosion]] and competition from the [[East South Central states|New Southwest]] were also very significant reasons for the state's declining fortunes.<ref>Cauthen p. 1.</ref> [[George McDuffie]] was a particularly effective speaker for the anti-tariff forces, and he popularized the Forty Bale theory. McDuffie argued that the 40% tariff on cotton finished goods meant that "the manufacturer actually invades your barns, and plunders you of 40 out of every 100 bales that you produce." Mathematically incorrect, this argument still struck a nerve with his constituency. Nationalists such as Calhoun were forced by the increasing power of such leaders to retreat from their previous positions and adopt, in the words of Ellis, "an even more extreme version of the states' rights doctrine" in order to maintain political significance within South Carolina.<ref>Ellis, p. 7. Freehling, ''Road to Disunion'', p. 256.</ref>
[[File:Thomas Bee's House.jpg|thumb|left|Thomas Bee's House, Charleston, ''circa'' 1730: The Nullification Movement that split the nation started here in 1832. John C. Calhoun, S.C. Governor Robert Hayne, General James Hamilton and other leaders drafted the Nullification Papers in the second-floor drawing room.]]
{{Anchor|Negro Seamen Act}}South Carolina's first effort at nullification occurred in 1822. Its planters believed that free black sailors had assisted [[Denmark Vesey]] in his planned slave rebellion. South Carolina passed the Negro Seamen Act, which required all black foreign seamen to be imprisoned while their ships were docked in [[Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston]]. The [[United Kingdom]] strongly objected, especially as it was recruiting more Africans as sailors. Worse, if the captains did not pay the fees to cover the cost of jailing, South Carolina would sell the sailors into [[Slavery in the United States|slavery]]. Other Southern states also passed laws against free black sailors.<ref name="horne">Gerald Horne, ''Negro Comrades of the Crown: African Americans and the British Empire Fight the U.S. Before Emancipation'', New York University (NYU) Press, 2012, [https://books.google.com/books?id=XTLFKrmJPgcC&pg=PA97 pp. 97–98] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230418184529/https://books.google.com/books?id=XTLFKrmJPgcC&pg=PA97 |date=April 18, 2023 }}</ref>
Supreme Court Justice [[William Johnson (judge)|William Johnson]], in his capacity as a circuit judge, declared the South Carolina law as unconstitutional since it violated the United States' treaties with the United Kingdom. The South Carolina Senate announced that the judge's ruling was invalid and that the act would be enforced. The federal government did not attempt to carry out Johnson's decision.<ref>Freehling, ''Road to Disunion'', p. 254.</ref>
==Route to nullification in South Carolina (1828–1832)==
[[File:JRP-SoW, S.jpg|thumb|220px|Joel Roberts Poinsett, South Carolina Unionist leader]]
Historian [[Avery Craven]] argues that, for the most part, the debate from 1828 to 1832 was a local South Carolina affair. The state's leaders were not united and the sides were roughly equal. The western part of the state and a faction in Charleston, led by [[Joel Roberts Poinsett|Joel Poinsett]] and [[Thomas Smith Grimké]], remained loyal to the Union. Only in small part was the conflict between "a National North against a States'-right South".<ref>Craven, p. 65.</ref>
After the final vote on the Tariff of 1828, South Carolina's congressional delegation held two caucuses, the second at the home of Senator [[Robert Y. Hayne]]. They were rebuffed in their efforts to coordinate a united Southern response and focused on how their state representatives would react. While many agreed with McDuffie that tariff policy could lead to secession, they all agreed that, as much as possible, the issue should be kept out of [[1828 United States presidential election|the upcoming presidential election]]. Calhoun, while not at this meeting, served as a moderating influence. He felt that the first step in reducing the tariff was to defeat Adams and his supporters in the upcoming election. [[William C. Preston]], on behalf of the South Carolina legislature, asked Calhoun to prepare a report on the tariff situation. Calhoun readily accepted and in a few weeks had a 35,000-word draft of what would become his "[[South Carolina Exposition and Protest|Exposition and Protest]]".<ref>Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 143.</ref>
Calhoun's "Exposition" was completed late in 1828. He argued that the tariff of 1828 was unconstitutional because it favored manufacturing over commerce and agriculture. He believed the tariff power could be used only to generate revenue, not to provide protection from foreign competition for American industries, and that the people of a state or several states, acting in a democratically elected convention, had the power to veto any act of the federal government that violated the Constitution. This veto, the core of the doctrine of nullification, was explained by Calhoun in the Exposition:
{{quote|If it be conceded, as it must be by every one who is the least conversant with our institutions, that the sovereign powers delegated are divided between the General and State Governments, and that the latter hold their portion by the same tenure as the former, it would seem impossible to deny to the States the right of deciding on the infractions of their powers, and the proper remedy to be applied for their correction. The right of judging, in such cases, is an essential attribute of sovereignty, of which the States cannot be divested without losing their sovereignty itself, and being reduced to a subordinate corporate condition. In fact, to divide power, and to give to one of the parties the exclusive right of judging of the portion allotted to each, is, in reality, not to divide it at all; and to reserve such exclusive right to the General Government (it matters not by what department to be exercised), is to convert it, in fact, into a great consolidated government, with unlimited powers, and to divest the States, in reality, of all their rights, It is impossible to understand the force of terms, and to deny so plain a conclusion.<ref>[[s:South Carolina Exposition and Protest|South Carolina Exposition and Protest]]</ref>}}
The report also detailed the specific southern grievances over the tariff that led to the current dissatisfaction.<ref>Niven, pp. 158–162.</ref> Fearful that "hotheads" such as McDuffie might force the legislature into taking drastic action against the federal government, historian [[John Niven]] describes Calhoun's political purpose in the document:
{{quote|All through that hot and humid summer, emotions among the vociferous planter population had been worked up to a near-frenzy of excitement. The whole tenor of the argument built up in the "Exposition" was aimed to present the case in a cool, considered manner that would dampen any drastic moves yet would set in motion the machinery for repeal of the tariff act. It would also warn other sections of the Union against any future legislation that an increasingly self-conscious South might consider punitive, especially on the subject of slavery.<ref>Niven, p. 161.</ref>}}
The report was submitted to the state legislature, which had 5,000 copies printed and distributed. Calhoun, who still had designs on succeeding Jackson as president, was not identified as the author, but word on this soon leaked out. The legislature took no action on the report at that time.<ref>Niven, pp. 163–164.</ref>
In the summer of 1828, [[Robert Rhett|Robert Barnwell Rhett]], soon to be considered the most radical of the South Carolinians, entered the fray over the tariff. As a state representative, Rhett called for the governor to convene a special session of the legislature. An outstanding orator, Rhett appealed to his constituents to resist the majority in Congress. He addressed the danger of doing nothing:
{{quote|But if you are doubtful of yourselves—if you are not prepared to follow up your principles wherever they may lead, to their very last consequence—if you love life better than honor,—prefer ease to perilous liberty and glory; awake not! Stir not!—Impotent resistance will add vengeance to your ruin. Live in smiling peace with your insatiable Oppressors, and die with the noble consolation that your submissive patience will survive triumphant your beggary and despair.<ref>Walther, p. 123. Craven, pp. 63–64.</ref>}}
Rhett's rhetoric about revolution and war was too radical in the summer of 1828 but, with the election of Jackson assured, [[James Hamilton Jr.]] on October 28 in the [[Colleton County Courthouse]] in [[Walterboro, South Carolina|Walterborough]] "launched the formal nullification campaign."<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 149.</ref> Renouncing his former nationalism, Hamilton warned the people that "Your task-master must soon become a tyrant, from the very abuses and corruption of the system, without the bowels of compassion, or a jot of human sympathy." He called for implementation of Jefferson's "rightful remedy" of nullification. Hamilton sent a copy of the speech directly to President-elect Jackson. But despite a statewide campaign by Hamilton and McDuffie, a proposal to call a nullification convention in 1829 was defeated by the South Carolina legislature meeting at the end of 1828. State leaders such as Calhoun, Hayne, Smith, and [[William Drayton]] all remained publicly noncommittal or opposed to nullification for the next couple of years.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 152–155, 173–175. A two-thirds vote of each house of the legislature was required to convene a state convention.</ref>
The division in the state between radicals and conservatives continued through 1829 and 1830. After the failure of a state project to arrange financing of a railroad within the state to promote internal trade, the state petitioned Congress to invest $250,000 in the company trying to build it. After Congress tabled the measure, debate in South Carolina resumed between those who wanted state investment and those who wanted to work to get Congress's support. The debate demonstrated that a significant minority of the state did have an interest in Clay's [[American System (economic plan)|American System]]. The effect of the [[Webster–Hayne debate]] was to energize the radicals, and some moderates started to move in their direction.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 177–186.</ref>
The state election campaign of 1830 focused on the tariff issue and the need for a state convention. On the defensive, radicals underplayed the intent of the convention as pro-nullification. When voters were presented with races where an unpledged convention was the issue, the radicals generally won. When conservatives effectively characterized the race as being about nullification, the radicals lost. The October election was narrowly carried by the radicals, although the blurring of the issues left them without any specific mandate.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 205–213.</ref> In South Carolina, the governor was selected by the legislature, which chose James Hamilton, the leader of the radical movement, and fellow radical [[Henry L. Pinckney]] as speaker of the South Carolina House. For the open Senate seat, the legislature chose the more radical [[Stephen Decatur Miller]] over William Smith.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 213–218.</ref>
With radicals in leading positions, in 1831 they began to capture momentum. State politics became sharply divided along [[Nullifier Party|Nullifier]] and Unionist lines. Still, the margin in the legislature fell short of the two-thirds majority needed for a convention. Many of the radicals felt that convincing Calhoun of the futility of his plans for the presidency would lead him into their ranks. Calhoun, meanwhile, had concluded that Van Buren was establishing himself as Jackson's heir apparent. At Hamilton's prompting, McDuffie made a three-hour speech in Charleston demanding nullification of the tariff at any cost. In the state, the success of McDuffie's speech seemed to open up the possibilities of both military confrontation with the federal government and civil war within the state. With silence no longer an acceptable alternative, Calhoun looked for the opportunity to take control of the antitariff faction in the state; by June he was preparing what would be known as his Fort Hill Address.<ref>Peterson, pp. 189–192. Niven, pp. 174–181. Calhoun wrote of McDuffie's speech, "I think it every way imprudent and have so written Hamilton ... I see clearly it brings matters to a crisis, and that I must meet it promptly and manfully." Freehling in his works frequently refers to the radicals as "Calhounites" even before 1831. This is because the radicals, rallying around Calhoun's "Exposition," were linked ideologically, if not yet practically, with Calhoun.</ref>
Published on July 26, 1831, the address repeated and expanded the positions Calhoun had made in the "Exposition". While the logic of much of the speech was consistent with the states' rights position of most Jacksonians, and even Daniel Webster remarked that it "was the ablest and most plausible, and therefore the most dangerous vindication of that particular form of Revolution", the speech still placed Calhoun clearly in a nullified camp. Within South Carolina, his gestures at moderation in the speech were drowned out as planters received word of the [[Nat Turner]] insurrection in Virginia. Calhoun was not alone in finding a connection between the [[Abolitionism in the United States|abolition movement]] and the sectional aspects of the tariff issue.<ref>Niven, pp. 181–184.</ref> It confirmed for Calhoun what he had written in a September 11, 1830, letter:
<blockquote>I consider the tariff act as the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised, that the [[Slavery in the United States|peculiar institution]] of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relation to the majority of the Union, against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the states they must in the end be forced to rebel, or, submit to have their paramount interests sacrificed, their domestic institutions subordinated by Colonization and other schemes, and themselves and children reduced to wretchedness.<ref>Ellis p. 193. Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 257.</ref></blockquote>
From this point, the nullifiers accelerated their organization and rhetoric. In July 1831, the States Rights and Free Trade Association was formed in Charleston and expanded throughout the state. Unlike state political organizations in the past, which were led by the South Carolina planter aristocracy, this group appealed to all segments of the population, including non-slaveholder farmers, small slaveholders, and the Charleston non-agricultural class. Governor Hamilton was instrumental in seeing that the association, which was both a political and a social organization, expanded throughout the state. In the winter of 1831 and spring of 1832, Hamilton held conventions and rallies throughout the state to mobilize the nullification movement. The conservatives were unable to match the radicals in organization or leadership.<ref>Freehling, pp. 224–239.</ref>
The state elections of 1832 were "charged with tension and bespattered with violence," and "polite debates often degenerated into frontier brawls." Unlike the previous year's election, the choice was clear between nullifiers and unionists. The nullifiers won and on October 20, 1832, Hamilton called the legislature into a special session to consider a convention. The legislative vote was 96–25 in the House and 31–13 in the Senate.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 252–260.</ref>
In November 1832, the Nullification Convention met. The convention declared the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 unconstitutional and unenforceable within the state of South Carolina after February 1, 1833. It was asserted that attempts to use force to collect the taxes would lead to the state's secession. Robert Hayne, who succeeded Hamilton as governor in 1833, established a 2,000-man group of mounted [[minutemen]] and 25,000 infantry who would march to Charleston in the event of a military conflict. These troops were to be armed with $100,000 in arms purchased in the North.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 1–3.</ref>
The enabling legislation passed by the legislature was carefully constructed to avoid clashes if at all possible and create an aura of legality in the process. To avoid conflicts with Unionists, it allowed importers to pay the tariff if they desired. Other merchants could pay the tariff by obtaining a paper tariff bond from the customs officer. They would then refuse to pay the bond when due, and if the customs official seized the goods, the merchant would file for a writ of [[replevin]] to recover the goods in state court. Customs officials who refused to return the goods (by placing them under the protection of federal troops) would be civilly liable for twice the value of the goods. To ensure that state officials and judges supported the law, a "test oath" would be required for all new state officials, binding them to support the ordinance of nullification.<ref>Ellis, pp. 97–98.</ref>
Governor Hayne in his inaugural address announced South Carolina's position:
{{quote|If the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her citizens, shed in defense, I trust in Almighty God that no son of hers ... who has been nourished at her bosom ... will be found raising a parricidal arm against our common mother. And even should she stand ALONE in this great struggle for constitutional liberty ... that there will not be found, in the wider limits of the state, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue, and be ready to lay down his life in her defense.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 3, p. 14.</ref>}}
==Washington, D.C. (1828–1832)==
[[File:Andrew jackson head.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Official [[White House]] portrait of Andrew Jackson]]
When President Jackson took office in March 1829, he was well aware of the turmoil created by the "Tariff of Abominations". While he may have abandoned some of his earlier beliefs that had allowed him to vote for the Tariff of 1824, he still felt protectionism was justified for products essential to military preparedness and did not believe that the current tariff should be reduced until the [[national debt]] was fully paid off. He addressed the issue in his inaugural address and his first three messages to Congress, but offered no specific relief. In December 1831, with the proponents of nullification in South Carolina gaining momentum, Jackson recommended "the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies."<ref>Ellis, pp. 41–43.</ref> But on the constitutional issue of nullification, despite his strong beliefs in states' rights, Jackson did not waver.
Calhoun's "Exposition and Protest" started a national debate on the doctrine of nullification. The leading proponents<ref>Ellis, p. 9.</ref> of the nationalistic view included Daniel Webster, Supreme Court Justice [[Joseph Story]], Judge [[William Alexander Duer]], John Quincy Adams, [[Nathaniel Chipman]], and [[Nathan Dane]]. They rejected the [[compact theory]] advanced by Calhoun, claiming that the Constitution was the product of the people, not the states. According to the nationalist position, the Supreme Court had the final say on legislation's constitutionality, and the national union was perpetual and had supreme authority over individual states.<ref>Ellis p. 9.</ref> The nullifiers, on the other hand, asserted that the central government was not the ultimate arbiter of its own power, and that the states, as the contracting entities, could judge for themselves what was constitutional. While Calhoun's "Exposition" claimed that nullification was based on the reasoning behind the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, an aging James Madison in an August 28, 1830, letter to [[Edward Everett]], intended for publication, disagreed. Madison wrote, denying that any individual state could alter the compact:<ref>Brant, p. 627.</ref>
{{quote| Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine than that it puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over 1/4 of the U. S.—that is, of 7 States out of 24—to give the law and even the Constn. to 17 States, each of the 17 having as parties to the Constn. an equal right with each of the 7 to expound it & to insist on the exposition. That the 7 might, in particular instances be right and the 17 wrong, is more than possible. But to establish a positive & permanent rule giving such a power to such a minority over such a majority, would overturn the first principle of free Govt. and in practice necessarily overturn the Govt. itself.<ref>Ellis p. 10. Ellis wrote, "But the nullifiers' attempt to legitimize their controversial doctrine by claiming it was a logical extension of the principles embodied in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions upset him. In a private letter he deliberately wrote for publication, Madison denied many of the assertions of the nullifiers and lashed out in particular at South Carolina's claim that if a state nullified an act of the federal government it could only be overruled by an amendment to the Constitution." Full text of the letter is available at http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071010052250/http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm |date=October 10, 2007 }}.</ref>}}
[[File:Webster's Reply to Hayne.jpg|right|thumb|250px|''Webster Replying to Hayne'' by George P.A. Healy]]
Part of the South's strategy to force repeal of the tariff was to arrange an alliance with the West. Under the plan, the South would support the West's demand for free lands in the public domain if the West supported repeal of the tariff. With this purpose, Robert Hayne took the floor on the Senate in early 1830, beginning "the most celebrated debate in the Senate's history." Daniel Webster's response shifted the debate, subsequently styled the Webster-Hayne debates, from the specific issue of western lands to a general debate on the very nature of the United States. Webster's position differed from Madison's: Webster asserted that the people of the United States acted as one aggregate body, while Madison held that the people of the several states acted collectively. [[John Rowan (politician)|John Rowan]] spoke against Webster on that issue, and Madison wrote, congratulating Webster, but explaining his own position.<ref>Brant, pp. 626–627. Webster never asserted the consolidating position again.</ref> The debate presented the fullest articulation of the differences over nullification, and 40,000 copies of Webster's response, which concluded with "liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable", were distributed nationwide.<ref>McDonald, pp. 105–106.</ref>
Many people expected Jackson to side with Hayne, but once the debate shifted to secession and nullification, he sided with Webster. On April 13, 1830, at the traditional Democratic Party celebration honoring Jefferson's birthday, Jackson chose to make his position clear. In a battle of toasts, Hayne proposed, "The Union of the States, and the Sovereignty of the States." Jackson's response, when his turn came, was, "Our Federal Union: It must be preserved." To those attending, the effect was dramatic. Calhoun responded with his own toast, in a play on Webster's closing remarks in the earlier debate, "The Union. Next to our liberty, the most dear." Finally, Van Buren offered, "Mutual forbearance and reciprocal concession. Through their agency the Union was established. The patriotic spirit from which they emanated will forever sustain it."
Van Buren wrote in his autobiography of Jackson's toast, "The veil was rent—the incantations of the night were exposed to the light of day." Senator [[Thomas Hart Benton (senator)|Thomas Hart Benton]], in his memoirs, wrote that the toast "electrified the country."<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 233–235.</ref> Jackson had the final word a few days later, when a visitor from South Carolina asked if Jackson had any message he wanted relayed to his friends back in the state. Jackson's reply was:
{{quote|Yes I have; please give my compliments to my friends in your State and say to them, that if a single drop of blood shall be shed there in opposition to the laws of the United States, I will hang the first man I can lay my hand on engaged in such treasonable conduct, upon the first tree I can reach.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson',' v. 2, pp. 233–237.</ref>}}
Other issues than the tariff were still being decided. In May 1830, Jackson vetoed the [[Maysville Road veto|Maysville Road Bill]], an important internal-improvements program (especially to Kentucky and Henry Clay), and then followed this with additional vetoes of other such projects shortly before Congress adjourned at the end of May. Clay used these vetoes to launch his presidential campaign.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 255–256. Peterson, pp. 196–197.</ref> In 1831, the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, with Clay and Jackson on opposite sides, reopened a long-simmering problem. This issue was featured at the December 1831 National Republican convention in [[Baltimore]], which nominated Clay for president, and the proposal to recharter was formally introduced into Congress on January 6, 1832.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 343–348.</ref> The Calhoun-Jackson split entered the center stage when Calhoun, as vice president presiding over the Senate, cast the tie-breaking vote to deny Van Buren the post of minister to [[England]]. Van Buren was subsequently selected as Jackson's running mate at the [[1832 Democratic National Convention]] held in May.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2 pp. 347–355.</ref>
[[File:Henry Clay.JPG|thumb|right|200px|Portrait of Henry Clay]]
In February 1832, Clay, back in the Senate after a two-decade absence, made a three-day speech calling for a new tariff schedule and an expansion of his American System. In an effort to reach out to Calhoun and other Southerners, Clay's proposal provided for a $10 million revenue reduction based on the budget surplus he anticipated for the coming year. Significant protection was still part of the plan, as the reduction primarily came on imports not in competition with domestic producers. Jackson proposed an alternative that reduced overall tariffs to 28%. John Quincy Adams, now in the House of Representatives, used his Committee of Manufacturers to produce a compromise bill that, in its final form, reduced revenues by $5 million, lowered duties on noncompetitive products, and retained high tariffs on woolens, iron, and cotton products. During the political maneuvering, McDuffie's [[Ways and Means Committee]], the normal originator of such bills, prepared a bill with drastic reduction across the board, but it went nowhere. Jackson signed the Tariff of 1832 on July 14, 1832, a few days after vetoing the Bank of the United States recharter bill. Congress adjourned after failing to override Jackson's veto.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2 pp. 358–373. Peterson, pp. 203–212.</ref>
With Congress adjourned, Jackson anxiously watched events in South Carolina. The nullifiers found no significant compromise in the Tariff of 1832 and acted accordingly. Jackson heard rumors of efforts to subvert members of the army and navy in Charleston and ordered the secretaries of the army and navy to begin rotating troops and officers based on their loyalty. He ordered General [[Winfield Scott]] to prepare for military operations and ordered a naval squadron in [[Norfolk, Virginia|Norfolk]] to prepare to go to Charleston. Jackson kept lines of communication open with unionists such as [[Joel Roberts Poinsett|Joel Poinsett]], [[William Drayton]], and [[James L. Petigru]] and sent George Breathitt, brother of [[John Breathitt|the Kentucky governor]], to independently obtain political and military intelligence. After their defeat at the polls in October, Petigru advised Jackson to "Be prepared to hear very shortly of a State Convention and an act of Nullification."
On October 29, 1832, Jackson wrote to his [[Secretary of War]], [[Lewis Cass]]:
{{quote|The attempt will be made to surprise the Forts & garrisons by the militia, and must be guarded against with vestal vigilance and any attempt by force repelled with prompt and exemplary punishment.}}
By mid-November, Jackson's reelection was assured.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 2, pp. 382–389.</ref> On December 3, 1832, Jackson sent his fourth annual message to Congress. The message "was stridently states' rights and agrarian in its tone and thrust" and disavowed protection as anything other than a temporary expedient.<ref>Ellis p. 82.</ref> His intent regarding nullification, as communicated to Van Buren, was "to pass it barely in review, as a mere buble {{sic}}, view the existing laws as competent to check and put it down." He hoped to create a "moral force" that would transcend political parties and sections. The paragraph in the message that addressed nullification was:
{{quote|It is my painful duty to state that in one quarter of the United States opposition to the revenue laws has arisen to a height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. What ever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be able peaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers and the patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance on the moderation and good sense of all portions of our fellow citizens be disappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fully adequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable from any cause what ever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with a suggestion of such views and measures as may be deemed necessary to meet it.<ref>Remini, ''Andrew Jackson'', v. 3 pp. 9–11. Full text of his message available at http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070713054535/http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html |date=July 13, 2007 }}</ref>}}
On December 10, Jackson issued the [[Proclamation to the People of South Carolina]], in which he characterized the positions of the nullifiers as "impractical absurdity" and "a metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit of an impractical theory." He provided this concise statement of his belief:
{{quote|I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which It was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.<ref>Ellis pg 83–84. Full document available at: {{cite web |url=http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm |title=The Avalon Project : President Jackson's Proclamation Regarding Nullification, December 10, 1832 |access-date=2006-08-10 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060824095525/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm |archive-date=August 24, 2006 |df=mdy-all }}</ref>}}
The language Jackson used, combined with the reports out of South Carolina, raised the spectre of military confrontation for many on both sides of the issue. A group of Democrats, led by Van Buren and Thomas Hart Benton, among others, saw the only solution to the crisis in a substantial reduction of the tariff.
==Negotiation and confrontation (1833)==
In apparent contradiction of his previous claim that the tariff could be enforced with existing laws, on January 16 Jackson sent his Force Bill Message to Congress. Custom houses in [[Beaufort, South Carolina|Beaufort]] and [[Georgetown, South Carolina|Georgetown]] would be closed and replaced by ships at each port. In Charleston, the custom house would be moved to either [[Castle Pinckney]] or [[Fort Moultrie]] in Charleston Harbor. Direct payment rather than bonds would be required, and federal jails would be established for violators the state refused to arrest and all cases arising under the state's nullification act could be removed to the [[United States Circuit Court]]. In the most controversial part, the militia acts of 1795 and 1807 would be revised to permit the enforcement of the customs laws by both the militia and the regular United States military. Attempts were made in South Carolina to shift the debate away from nullification by focusing instead on the proposed enforcement.<ref>Ellis, po. 93–95.</ref>
The Force bill went to the Senate Judiciary Committee, chaired by Pennsylvania protectionist [[William Wilkins (U.S. politician)|William Wilkins]] and supported by members Daniel Webster and [[Theodore Frelinghuysen]] of New Jersey; it gave Jackson everything he asked. On January 28, the Senate defeated a motion by a vote of 30 to 15 to postpone debate on the bill. All but two of the votes to delay were from the lower South and only three from this section voted against the motion. This did not signal any increased support for nullification, but did signify doubts about enforcement. To draw more votes, proposals were made to limit the duration of the coercive powers and restrict the use of force to suppressing, rather than preventing, civil disorder. In the House, the Judiciary Committee voted 4–3 to reject Jackson's request to use force. By the time Calhoun made a major speech on February 15 strongly opposing it, the Force Bill was temporarily stalled.<ref>Ellis, pp. 160–165. Peterson, pp. 222–224. Peterson differs with Ellis in arguing that passage of the Force Bill "was never in doubt."</ref>
On the tariff issue, the drafting of a compromise tariff was assigned in December to the House Ways and Means Committee, now headed by [[Gulian Crommelin Verplanck|Gulian C. Verplanck]]. Debate on the committee's product on the House floor began in January 1833. The Verplanck tariff proposed reductions back to 1816 levels over the next two years while maintaining the basic principle of [[protectionism]]. The anti-Jackson protectionists saw this as an economic disaster that did not even allow the Tariff of 1832 to be tested and "an undignified truckling to the menaces and blustering of South Carolina." Northern Democrats did not oppose it in principle, but still demanded protection for the varying interests of their own constituents. Those sympathetic to the nullifiers wanted a specific abandonment of the principle of protectionism and were willing to offer a longer transition period as a bargaining point. The Verplanck tariff was clearly not going to be implemented.<ref>Ellis, pp. 99–100. Peterson, p. 217.</ref>
In South Carolina, efforts were being made to avoid an unnecessary confrontation. Governor Hayne ordered the 25,000 troops he had created to train at home rather than gather in Charleston. At a mass meeting in Charleston on January 21, they decided to postpone the February 1 deadline for implementing nullification, while Congress worked on a compromise tariff. At the same time, a commissioner from Virginia, [[Benjamin W. Leigh]], arrived in Charleston bearing resolutions that criticized both Jackson and the nullifiers and offering his state as a mediator.<ref>Wilentz, pp. 384–385.</ref>
Clay had not taken his defeat in the presidential election well and was unsure what position he could take in the tariff negotiations. His long-term concern was that Jackson was determined to kill protectionism along with the American Plan. In February, after consulting with manufacturers and sugar interests in Louisiana, who favored protection for the sugar industry, Clay started to work on a specific compromise plan. As a starting point, he accepted the nullifiers' offer of a transition period, but extended it from seven and a half years to nine years with a final target of a 20% ''ad valorem'' rate. After first securing the support of his protectionist base, Clay, through an intermediary, broached the subject with Calhoun. Calhoun was receptive, and after a private meeting with Clay at Clay's boardinghouse, negotiations proceeded.<ref>Peterson, pp. 217–226.</ref>
Clay introduced the negotiated tariff bill on February 12, and it was immediately referred to a select committee consisting of Clay as chairman, [[Felix Grundy]] of Tennessee, [[George M. Dallas]] of Pennsylvania, [[William Cabell Rives]] of Virginia, Webster, [[John M. Clayton]] of Delaware, and Calhoun. On February 21, the committee reported a bill to the floor of the Senate that was largely Clay's original bill. The Tariff of 1832 would continue except that reduction of all rates above 20% would be reduced by one tenth every two years, with the final reductions back to 20% coming in 1842. Protectionism as a principle was not abandoned and provisions were made for raising the tariff if national interests demanded it.<ref>Peterson, pp. 226–228.</ref>
Although not specifically linked by any negotiated agreement, it became clear that the Force Bill and [[Tariff of 1833|Compromise Tariff of 1833]] were inexorably linked. In his February 25 speech ending the debate on the tariff, Clay captured the spirit of the voices for compromise by condemning Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina as inflammatory, admitting the same problem with the Force Bill, but indicating its necessity, and praising the Compromise Tariff as the final measure to restore balance, promote the rule of law, and avoid the "sacked cities", "desolated fields", and "smoking ruins" he said the failure to reach a final accord would produce. The House passed the Compromise Tariff, 119–85, and the Force Bill, 149–48. In the Senate, the tariff passed 29–16 and the Force bill 32–1, with many opponents of it walking out rather than voting.<ref>Peterson pp. 229–232.</ref>
Calhoun rushed to Charleston with the news of the final compromises. The Nullification Convention met again on March 11. It repealed the November Nullification Ordinance and also, "in a purely symbolic gesture", nullified the Force Bill. While the nullifiers claimed victory on the tariff issue, even though they had made concessions, the verdict was very different on nullification. The majority had in the end ruled and this boded ill for the South and its minority's hold on slavery.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 295–297.</ref> Rhett summed this up at the convention on March 13. Warning that "A people, owning slaves, are mad, or worse than mad, who do not hold their destinies in their own hands," he continued:
{{quote|Every stride of this Government, over your rights, brings it nearer and nearer to your peculiar policy. ... The whole world are in arms against your institutions ... Let Gentlemen not be deceived. It is not the Tariff—not Internal Improvement—nor yet the Force bill, which constitutes the great evil against which we are contending. ... These are but the forms in which the despotic nature of the government is evinced—but it is the despotism which constitutes the evil: and until this Government is made a limited Government ... there is no liberty—no security for the South.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', p. 297. Willentz p. 388.</ref>}}
==Aftermath==
People reflected on the meaning of the nullification crisis and its outcome for the country. On May 1, 1833, Jackson predicted, "the tariff was only a pretext, and [[Secession in the United States|disunion]] and [[Confederate States of America|Southern confederacy]] the real object. The next pretext will be the negro, or [[History of slavery in the United States|slavery]] question."<ref>[[Jon Meacham]] (2009), ''[[American Lion (book)|American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House]]'', New York: Random House, p. 247; ''Correspondence of Andrew Jackson'', Vol. V, p. 72.</ref>
The final resolution of the crisis and Jackson's leadership had appeal throughout the North and South. [[Robert V. Remini]], the historian and Jackson biographer, described the opposition that nullification drew from traditionally states' rights Southern states:
{{quote|The Alabama legislature, for example, pronounced the doctrine "unsound in theory and dangerous in practice." Georgia said it was "mischievous", "rash and revolutionary". Mississippi lawmakers chided the South Carolinians for acting with "reckless precipitancy".<ref>Remini, Andrew Jackson, v3. p. 42.</ref>}}
The historian [[Forrest McDonald]], describing the split over nullification among proponents of states' rights, wrote, "The doctrine of states' rights, as embraced by most Americans, was not concerned exclusively, or even primarily, with state resistance to federal authority."<ref>McDonald, p. 110.</ref> But by the end of the nullification crisis, many Southerners questioned whether Jacksonian Democrats still represented Southern interests. The historian [[William J. Cooper Jr.]] notes, "Numerous Southerners had begun to perceive it [the Jacksonian Democratic Party] as a spear aimed at the South rather than a shield defending the South."<ref name="Cooper pp. 53–65">Cooper, pp. 53–65.</ref>
In the political vacuum created by this alienation, the Southern wing of the [[Whig Party (United States)|Whig Party]] was formed. The party was a coalition of interests united by the common thread of opposition to Jackson, and more specifically to his "definition of [[Federal power|federal]] and executive power." The party included former National Republicans with an "urban, commercial, and nationalist outlook", as well as former nullifiers. Emphasizing that "they were more southern than the Democrats," the party grew within the South by going "after the abolition issue with unabashed vigor and glee." With both parties arguing who could best defend Southern institutions, the nuances of the differences between [[free soil]] and [[Abolitionism in the United States|abolitionism]], which became an issue in the late 1840s with the [[Mexican–American War|Mexican War]] and territorial expansion, never became part of the political dialogue. This failure increased the slavery issue's volatility.<ref name="Cooper pp. 53–65"/>
Richard Ellis argues that the end of the crisis signified the beginning of a new era. Within the states' rights movement, the traditional desire for "a weak, inactive, and frugal government" was challenged. Ellis writes, "in the years leading up to the Civil War the nullifiers and their proslavery allies used the doctrine of states' rights and state sovereignty in such a way as to try to expand the powers of the federal government so that it could more effectively protect the peculiar institution." By the 1850s, states' rights had become a call for state equality under the Constitution.<ref>Ellis, p. 198.</ref>
Madison reacted to this incipient tendency by writing two paragraphs of "Advice to My Country", found among his papers. It said that the Union "should be cherished and perpetuated. Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with her [[Pandora's box|box]] opened; and the disguised one, as the Serpent creeping with his deadly wiles into paradise." [[Richard Rush]] published this "Advice" in 1850, by which time Southern spirit was so high that it was denounced as a forgery.<ref>Brant p. 646; Rush produced a copy in Mrs. Madison's hand; the original also survives. The contemporary letter to [[Edward Coles]] (Brant, p. 639) makes plain that the enemy in question is the nullifier.</ref>
The first test for the South over slavery began during the final congressional session of 1835. In what became known as the [[Gag Rule]] Debates, abolitionists flooded Congress with petitions to end [[slavery in the District of Columbia]], where states' rights was not an issue. The debate was reopened each session as Southerners, led by South Carolinians Henry Pinckney and John Hammond, prevented the petitions from even being officially received by Congress. Led by John Quincy Adams, the slavery debate remained on the national stage until late 1844, when Congress lifted all restrictions on processing the petitions.<ref>Freehling, ''Prelude to Civil War'', pp. 346–356. McDonald (pp. 121–122) saw states' rights in the period from 1833–1847 as almost totally successful in creating a "virtually nonfunctional" federal government. This did not insure political harmony, as "the national political arena became the center of heated controversy concerning the newly raised issue of slavery, a controversy that reached the flash point during the debates about the annexation of the Republic of Texas."</ref>
Describing the legacy of the crisis, Sean Wilentz writes:
{{quote|The battle between Jacksonian democratic nationalists, northern and southern, and nullifier sectionalists would resound through the politics of slavery and antislavery for decades to come. Jackson's victory, ironically, would help accelerate the emergence of southern pro-slavery as a coherent and articulate political force, which would help solidify northern antislavery opinion, inside as well as outside Jackson's party. Those developments would accelerate the emergence of two fundamentally incompatible democracies, one in the slave South, the other in the free North.<ref name="Wilentz pg. 388"/>}}
For South Carolina, the legacy of the crisis involved both the divisions within the state during the crisis and the apparent isolation of the state as the crisis was resolved. By 1860, when it became the first state to secede, it was more internally united than any other Southern state. Historian Charles Edward Cauthen writes:
{{quote|Probably to a greater extent than in any other Southern state South Carolina had been prepared by her leaders over a period of thirty years for the issues of 1860. Indoctrination in the principles of state sovereignty, education in the necessity of maintaining Southern institutions, warnings of the dangers of control of the federal government by a section hostile to its interests—in a word, the education of the masses in the principles and necessity of secession under certain circumstances—had been carried on with a skill and success hardly inferior to the masterly propaganda of the abolitionists themselves. It was this education, this propaganda, by South Carolina leaders which made secession the almost spontaneous movement that it was.<ref>Cauthen, p. 32.</ref>}}
==See also==
* [[Origins of the American Civil War]]
* [[American School (economics)]]
* [[Friedrich List]]
==References==
{{reflist|2}}
==Sources==
* Brant, Irving: ''The Fourth President: A Life of James Madison'' Bobbs Merrill, 1970.{{ISBN?}}
* Buel, Richard Jr. ''America on the Brink: How the Political Struggle Over the War of 1812 Almost Destroyed the Young Republic'' (2005) {{ISBN|1-4039-6238-3}}
* Cauthen, Charles Edward. ''South Carolina Goes to War'' (1950) {{ISBN|1-57003-560-1}}
* Cooper, William J. Jr. ''The South and the Politics of Slavery 1828–1856'' (1978) {{ISBN|0-8071-0385-3}}
* Craven, Avery. ''The Coming of the Civil War'' (1942) {{ISBN|0-226-11894-0}}
* Ellis, Richard E. ''The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights, and the Nullification Crisis'' (1987)
* Freehling, William W. ''The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776–1854'' (1991), Vol. 1
* Freehling, William W. ''Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816–1836'' (1965) {{ISBN|0-19-507681-8}}
* Howe, Daniel Walker. ''What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848''. (2007) {{ISBN|978-0-19-507894-7}}
* McDonald, Forrest. ''States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio 1776–1876'' (2000) {{ISBN|0-7006-1040-5}}
* Meacham, Jon. '' [https://archive.org/details/americanlion00jonm American lion : Andrew Jackson in the White House] online]
* Niven, John. ''John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union'' (1988) {{ISBN|0-8071-1451-0}}
* Peterson, Merrill D. ''The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun'' (1987) {{ISBN|0-19-503877-0}}
* Remini, Robert V. ''Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822–1832, v2'' (1981) {{ISBN|0-06-014844-6}}
* Remini, Robert V. ''Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833–1845, v3'' (1984) {{ISBN|0-06-015279-6}}
* Remini, Robert V. ''Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union'' (1991) {{ISBN|0-393-31088-4}}
* Tuttle, Charles A. (Court Reporter) ''California Digest: A Digest of the Reports of the Supreme Court of California, Volume 26'' (1906)
* Walther, Eric C. ''The Fire-Eaters'' (1992) {{ISBN|0-8071-1731-5}}
* Wilentz, Sean. ''The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln'' (2005) {{ISBN|0-393-05820-4}}
* Woods, Thomas E. Jr. ''Nullification'' (2010) {{ISBN|978-1-59698-149-2}}
==Further reading==
* {{cite book |last=Barnwell |first=John |title=Love of Order: South Carolina's First Secession Crisis |url=https://archive.org/details/loveofordersouth0000barn |url-access=registration |location=Chapel Hill |publisher=University of North Carolina Press |year=1982 |isbn=0-8078-1498-9 }}
* {{cite book |last=Capers |first=Gerald M. |title=John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal |url=https://archive.org/details/johnccalhounoppo0000cape |url-access=registration |location=Gainesville |publisher=University of Florida Press |year=1960 }}
* {{cite book |last=Coit |first=Margaret L. |title=John C. Calhoun: American Portrait |location=Boston |publisher=Houghton Mifflin Co. |year=1950 }}
* {{cite book | first = David Franklin | last = Houston | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-XssAAAAIAAJ | title = A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina | year = 1896 | publisher = Longmans, Green, and Co.| isbn = 9780722245958 }}
* {{cite journal |last=Latner |first=Richard B. |title=The Nullification Crisis and Republican Subversion |journal=Journal of Southern History |volume=43 |year=1977 |issue=1 |pages=18–38 |doi=10.2307/2207553 |jstor=2207553 }}
* {{cite book |last=McCurry |first=Stephanie |title=Masters of Small Worlds: Yeoman Households, Gender Relations and the Political Culture of the Antebellum South Carolina Low Country |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1995 |isbn=0-19-507236-7 }}
* {{cite journal |last1=Pease |first1=Jane H. |first2=William H. |last2=Pease |title=The Economics and Politics of Charleston's Nullification Crisis |journal=Journal of Southern History |volume=47 |year=1981 |issue=3 |pages=335–362 |doi=10.2307/2207798 |jstor=2207798 }}
* {{cite journal |last=Ratcliffe |first=Donald |title=The Nullification Crisis, Southern Discontents, and the American Political Process |journal=American Nineteenth Century History |volume=1 |issue=2 |year=2000 |pages=1–30 |doi=10.1080/14664650008567014 |s2cid=144242176 }}
* {{cite book |last=Wiltse |first=Charles |title=John C. Calhoun, Nullifier, 1829–1839 |url=https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.155768 |location=Indianapolis |publisher=Bobbs-Merrill |year=1949 }}
==External links==
* [[s:South Carolina Exposition and Protest|South Carolina Exposition and Protest]], by Calhoun, 1828.
* [[s:Fort Hill Address|The Fort Hill Address: On the Relations of the States and the Federal Government]], by Calhoun, July 1831.
* [[s:Ordinance of Nullification|South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification]], November 24, 1832.
** [[s:Proclamation 43|President Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina]], December 10, 1832.
*** [[s:An Exposition of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798|An Exposition of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798]], by [[Abel P. Upshur]], defending nullification and South Carolina.
*** [[s:A Review of the Proclamation of President Jackson|A Review of the Proclamation of President Jackson]], by [[Littleton Waller Tazewell]].
* [https://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/Nullification.html Primary Documents in American History: Nullification Proclamation] (Library of Congress)
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20070219200227/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/messages/ajack001.htm President Jackson's Message to the Senate and House Regarding South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance], January 16, 1833
* [http://www.campaignforliberty.com/article.php?view=57 Nullification Revisited: An article examining the constitutionality of nullification] (from a favorable aspect, and with regard to both recent and historical events).
* [http://edsitement.neh.gov/lesson-plan/early-threat-secession-missouri-compromise-1820-and-nullification-crisis Early Threat of Secession: Missouri Compromise of 1820 and Nullification Crisis]
{{Andrew Jackson}}
{{American Civil War |expanded=Origins}}
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[[Category:1832 in South Carolina]]
[[Category:1833 in South Carolina]]
[[Category:Nullification crisis| ]]
[[Category:Constitutional crises]]
[[Category:History of South Carolina]]
[[Category:Political history of the United States]]
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[[Category:Presidency of Andrew Jackson]]
[[Category:Separatism in the United States]]
[[Category:Origins of the American Civil War]]' |
Parsed HTML source of the new revision (new_html) | '<div class="mw-content-ltr mw-parser-output" lang="en" dir="ltr"><div class="shortdescription nomobile noexcerpt noprint searchaux" style="display:none">Event during the presidency of Andrew Jackson</div>
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font-size: 88%;"><caption class="sidebar-outer-title"><a href="/wiki/Timeline_of_events_leading_to_the_American_Civil_War" title="Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War">Events leading to</a> <br /> the <a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War" title="American Civil War">American Civil War</a></caption><tbody><tr><td class="sidebar-content">
<div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible"><div class="sidebar-list-title">Economic</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Atlantic_slave_trade#End_of_the_Atlantic_slave_trade" title="Atlantic slave trade">End of Atlantic slave trade</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Panic_of_1857" title="Panic of 1857">Panic of 1857</a></li></ul></div></div></td>
</tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content">
<div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible"><div class="sidebar-list-title">Political</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Northwest_Ordinance" title="Northwest Ordinance">Northwest Ordinance</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kentucky_and_Virginia_Resolutions" title="Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions">Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Missouri_Compromise" title="Missouri Compromise">Missouri Compromise</a></li>
<li><a class="mw-selflink selflink">Nullification crisis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Gag_rule_(United_States)" title="Gag rule (United States)">Gag rule</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_Abominations" title="Tariff of Abominations">Tariff of 1828</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Slavery_Abolition_Act_1833" title="Slavery Abolition Act 1833">End of slavery in British colonies</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Texas_Revolution" title="Texas Revolution">Texas Revolution</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Texas_annexation" title="Texas annexation">Texas annexation</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Mexican%E2%80%93American_War" title="Mexican–American War">Mexican–American War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Wilmot_Proviso" title="Wilmot Proviso">Wilmot Proviso</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Nashville_Convention" title="Nashville Convention">Nashville Convention</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Compromise_of_1850" title="Compromise of 1850">Compromise of 1850</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Fugitive_Slave_Act_of_1850" title="Fugitive Slave Act of 1850">Fugitive Slave Act of 1850</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kansas%E2%80%93Nebraska_Act" title="Kansas–Nebraska Act">Kansas–Nebraska Act</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ostend_Manifesto" title="Ostend Manifesto">Ostend Manifesto</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Caning_of_Charles_Sumner" title="Caning of Charles Sumner">Caning of Charles Sumner</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lincoln%E2%80%93Douglas_debates" title="Lincoln–Douglas debates">Lincoln–Douglas debates</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1860_United_States_presidential_election" title="1860 United States presidential election">1860 presidential election</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Crittenden_Compromise" title="Crittenden Compromise">Crittenden Compromise</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_of_America#Secession" title="Confederate States of America">Secession of Southern states</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Peace_Conference_of_1861" title="Peace Conference of 1861">Peace Conference of 1861</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Corwin_Amendment" title="Corwin Amendment">Corwin Amendment</a></li></ul></div></div></td>
</tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content">
<div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible"><div class="sidebar-list-title">Social</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Nat_Turner%27s_Rebellion" title="Nat Turner's Rebellion">Nat Turner's Rebellion</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Elijah_Parish_Lovejoy" title="Elijah Parish Lovejoy">Martyrdom of Elijah Lovejoy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Pennsylvania_Hall_(Philadelphia)" title="Pennsylvania Hall (Philadelphia)">Burning of Pennsylvania Hall</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/American_Slavery_As_It_Is" title="American Slavery As It Is">American Slavery As It Is</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Uncle_Tom%27s_Cabin" title="Uncle Tom's Cabin">Uncle Tom's Cabin</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bleeding_Kansas" title="Bleeding Kansas">Bleeding Kansas</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Impending_Crisis_of_the_South" title="The Impending Crisis of the South">The Impending Crisis of the South</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Oberlin%E2%80%93Wellington_Rescue" title="Oberlin–Wellington Rescue">Oberlin–Wellington Rescue</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Brown%27s_raid_on_Harpers_Ferry" title="John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry">John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry</a></li></ul></div></div></td>
</tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content">
<div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible"><div class="sidebar-list-title">Judicial</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Trial_of_Reuben_Crandall" title="Trial of Reuben Crandall">Trial of Reuben Crandall</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Commonwealth_v._Aves" title="Commonwealth v. Aves">Commonwealth v. Aves</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_States_v._The_Amistad" title="United States v. The Amistad">The <i>Amistad</i> affair</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Prigg_v._Pennsylvania" title="Prigg v. Pennsylvania">Prigg v. Pennsylvania</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Anthony_Burns" title="Anthony Burns">Recapture of Anthony Burns</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Dred_Scott_v._Sandford" title="Dred Scott v. Sandford">Dred Scott v. Sandford</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Virginia_v._John_Brown" title="Virginia v. John Brown">Virginia v. John Brown</a></i></li></ul></div></div></td>
</tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content">
<div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible"><div class="sidebar-list-title">Military</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content">
<ul><li><i><a href="/wiki/Star_of_the_West" title="Star of the West">Star of the West</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Fort_Sumter" title="Battle of Fort Sumter">Battle of Fort Sumter</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/President_Lincoln%27s_75,000_volunteers" title="President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers">President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers</a></li></ul></div></div></td>
</tr><tr><td class="sidebar-navbar"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1129693374"><style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1063604349">.mw-parser-output .navbar{display:inline;font-size:88%;font-weight:normal}.mw-parser-output .navbar-collapse{float:left;text-align:left}.mw-parser-output .navbar-boxtext{word-spacing:0}.mw-parser-output .navbar ul{display:inline-block;white-space:nowrap;line-height:inherit}.mw-parser-output .navbar-brackets::before{margin-right:-0.125em;content:"[ "}.mw-parser-output .navbar-brackets::after{margin-left:-0.125em;content:" ]"}.mw-parser-output .navbar li{word-spacing:-0.125em}.mw-parser-output .navbar a>span,.mw-parser-output .navbar a>abbr{text-decoration:inherit}.mw-parser-output .navbar-mini abbr{font-variant:small-caps;border-bottom:none;text-decoration:none;cursor:inherit}.mw-parser-output .navbar-ct-full{font-size:114%;margin:0 7em}.mw-parser-output .navbar-ct-mini{font-size:114%;margin:0 4em}</style><div class="navbar plainlinks hlist navbar-mini"><ul><li class="nv-view"><a href="/wiki/Template:Events_leading_to_the_American_Civil_War" title="Template:Events leading to the American Civil War"><abbr title="View this template">v</abbr></a></li><li class="nv-talk"><a href="/wiki/Template_talk:Events_leading_to_the_American_Civil_War" title="Template talk:Events leading to the American Civil War"><abbr title="Discuss this template">t</abbr></a></li><li class="nv-edit"><a href="/wiki/Special:EditPage/Template:Events_leading_to_the_American_Civil_War" title="Special:EditPage/Template:Events leading to the American Civil War"><abbr title="Edit this template">e</abbr></a></li></ul></div></td></tr></tbody></table>
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<td class="sidebar-person-title-image" style="background-color:#002466;color:inherit;"><span class="mw-image-border" typeof="mw:File"><a href="/wiki/File:Andrew_Jackson.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/64/Andrew_Jackson.jpg/75px-Andrew_Jackson.jpg" decoding="async" width="75" height="91" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/64/Andrew_Jackson.jpg/113px-Andrew_Jackson.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/64/Andrew_Jackson.jpg/150px-Andrew_Jackson.jpg 2x" data-file-width="610" data-file-height="739" /></a></span></td>
<td class="sidebar-person-title" style="background-color:#002466;color: #FFF;"><div><span class="tmp-color" style="color: #FFF">This article is part of <br />a series about</span></div><span class="vcard"><span class="fn"><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson" title="Andrew Jackson"><span style="color: #FFF; text-decoration: inherit;">Andrew Jackson</span></a></span></span></td>
</tr></tbody></table></th></tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Early_life_and_education" title="Andrew Jackson">Early life</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Revolutionary_War_service" title="Andrew Jackson">Revolutionary War service</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Early_career" title="Andrew Jackson">Early career</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Personal_life" title="Andrew Jackson">Personal life</a></li></ul>
<hr />
<div style="font-weight: bold;line-height:normal;">Military career</div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Creek_War" title="Creek War">Creek War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_New_Orleans" title="Battle of New Orleans">Battle of New Orleans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Seminole_Wars#First_Seminole_War" title="Seminole Wars">First Seminole War</a></li></ul>
<hr />
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/1824_United_States_presidential_election" title="1824 United States presidential election">1824 election</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Corrupt_bargain" title="Corrupt bargain">Corrupt bargain</a></li></ul>
<hr />
<div style="font-weight: bold;line-height:normal;">7th President of the United States</div>
<div><a href="/wiki/Presidency_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Presidency of Andrew Jackson">Presidency</a></div>
<hr />
<div style="font-weight: bold;line-height:normal;">First term</div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson_1828_presidential_campaign" title="Andrew Jackson 1828 presidential campaign">1828 campaign</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/1828_United_States_presidential_election" title="1828 United States presidential election">election</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/First_inauguration_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="First inauguration of Andrew Jackson">1st inauguration</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jacksonian_democracy" title="Jacksonian democracy">Jacksonian democracy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Spoils_system" title="Spoils system">Spoils system</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Petticoat_affair" title="Petticoat affair">Petticoat affair</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Maysville_Road_veto" title="Maysville Road veto">Maysville veto</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Indian_Removal_Act" title="Indian Removal Act">Indian Removal</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Trail_of_Tears" title="Trail of Tears">Trail of Tears</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Nat_Turner%27s_slave_rebellion" class="mw-redirect" title="Nat Turner's slave rebellion">Nat Turner's rebellion</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bank_War" title="Bank War">Bank War</a></li>
<li><a class="mw-selflink selflink">Nullification crisis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Foreign_affairs" title="Andrew Jackson">Foreign affairs</a></li></ul>
<hr />
<div style="font-weight: bold;line-height:normal;">Second term</div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/1832_United_States_presidential_election" title="1832 United States presidential election">1832 election</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Second_inauguration_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Second inauguration of Andrew Jackson">2nd inauguration</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Censure_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Censure of Andrew Jackson">Senate censure</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Payment_of_US_national_debt" title="Andrew Jackson">Payment of national debt</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Specie_Circular" title="Specie Circular">Specie Circular</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Attack_and_assassination_attempt" title="Andrew Jackson">Assassination attempts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Reaction_to_anti-slavery_tracts" title="Andrew Jackson">Reaction to anti-slavery tracts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Texas_Revolution" title="Texas Revolution">Texas Revolution</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#U.S._exploring_expedition" title="Andrew Jackson">Exploring expedition</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Panic_of_1837" title="Panic of 1837">Panic of 1837</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_federal_judges_appointed_by_Andrew_Jackson" title="List of federal judges appointed by Andrew Jackson">Judicial appointments</a></li></ul>
<hr />
<div style="font-weight: bold;line-height:normal;">Post-presidency</div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Later_life_and_death_(1837–1845)" title="Andrew Jackson">Later life and death</a></li></ul>
<hr />
<div style="font-weight: bold;line-height:normal;">Legacy</div>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson#Legacy" title="Andrew Jackson">Legacy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_memorials_to_Andrew_Jackson" title="List of memorials to Andrew Jackson">Memorials</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Manifest_destiny" title="Manifest destiny">Manifest destiny</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/The_Hermitage_(Nashville,_Tennessee)" title="The Hermitage (Nashville, Tennessee)">The Hermitage</a></li>
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<p>The <b>nullification crisis</b> was dumb ass thing that happened the bikini bottom a <a href="/wiki/Sectionalism" title="Sectionalism">sectional</a> political crisis in the <a href="/wiki/United_States" title="United States">United States</a> in 1832 and 1833, during the <a href="/wiki/Presidency_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Presidency of Andrew Jackson">presidency of Andrew Jackson</a>, which involved a confrontation between the state of <a href="/wiki/South_Carolina" title="South Carolina">South Carolina</a> and the federal government. It ensued after South Carolina declared the federal <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1828" class="mw-redirect" title="Tariff of 1828">Tariffs of 1828</a> and <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1832" title="Tariff of 1832">1832</a> unconstitutional and therefore null and void within the sovereign boundaries of the state. However, courts at the state and federal level, including the <a href="/wiki/Supreme_Court_of_the_United_States" title="Supreme Court of the United States">U.S. Supreme Court</a>, repeatedly have rejected the theory of <a href="/wiki/Nullification_(U.S._Constitution)" title="Nullification (U.S. Constitution)">nullification by states</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup>
</p><p>The controversial and highly protective <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1828" class="mw-redirect" title="Tariff of 1828">Tariff of 1828</a> was enacted into law during the presidency of <a href="/wiki/John_Quincy_Adams" title="John Quincy Adams">John Quincy Adams</a>. The tariff was strongly opposed in the South, since it was perceived to put an unfair tax burden on the Southern agrarian states that imported most manufactured goods. The tariff's opponents expected that Jackson's election as president would result in a significant reduction of it.<sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a></sup> When the Jackson administration failed to take any action to address their concerns, South Carolina's most radical faction began to advocate that the state nullify the tariff. They subscribed to the legal theory that if a state believed a federal law unconstitutional, it could declare the law null and void in the state. In Washington, an open split on the issue occurred between Jackson and <a href="/wiki/Vice_President_of_the_United_States" title="Vice President of the United States">Vice President</a> <a href="/wiki/John_C._Calhoun" title="John C. Calhoun">John C. Calhoun</a>, a native South Carolinian and the most effective proponent of the constitutional theory of state nullification.<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a></sup>
</p><p>On July 1, 1832, before Calhoun resigned the vice presidency to run for the <a href="/wiki/United_States_Senate" title="United States Senate">Senate</a>, where he could more effectively defend nullification,<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup> Jackson signed into law the Tariff of 1832. This compromise tariff received the support of most Northerners and half the Southerners in Congress.<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a></sup> South Carolina remained unsatisfied, and on November 24, 1832, a state convention adopted the <a href="/wiki/Ordinance_of_Nullification" title="Ordinance of Nullification">Ordinance of Nullification</a>, which declared that the Tariffs of 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional and unenforceable in South Carolina after February 1, 1833.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a></sup> South Carolina initiated military preparations to resist anticipated federal enforcement,<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a></sup> but on March 1, 1833, Congress passed both the <a href="/wiki/Force_Bill" title="Force Bill">Force Bill</a>—authorizing the president to use military forces against South Carolina—and a new negotiated tariff, the <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1833" title="Tariff of 1833">Compromise Tariff of 1833</a>, which was satisfactory to South Carolina. The South Carolina convention reconvened and repealed its Nullification Ordinance on March 15, 1833, but three days later, nullified the Force Bill as a symbolic gesture of principle.
</p><p>The crisis was over, and both sides found reasons to claim victory. The tariff rates were reduced and stayed low to the satisfaction of the South, but the <a href="/wiki/States%27_rights" title="States' rights">states' rights</a> doctrine of nullification remained controversial. By the 1850s, the issues of the expansion of <a href="/wiki/Slavery" title="Slavery">slavery</a> into the western territories and the threat of the <a href="/wiki/Slave_Power" title="Slave Power">Slave Power</a> became the central issues in the nation.<sup id="cite_ref-Wilentz_pg._388_9-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Wilentz_pg._388-9">[9]</a></sup>
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<div id="toc" class="toc" role="navigation" aria-labelledby="mw-toc-heading"><input type="checkbox" role="button" id="toctogglecheckbox" class="toctogglecheckbox" style="display:none" /><div class="toctitle" lang="en" dir="ltr"><h2 id="mw-toc-heading">Contents</h2><span class="toctogglespan"><label class="toctogglelabel" for="toctogglecheckbox"></label></span></div>
<ul>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><a href="#Background_(1787–1816)"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">Background (1787–1816)</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2"><a href="#Tariffs_(1816–1828)"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">Tariffs (1816–1828)</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-3"><a href="#South_Carolina_background_(1819–1828)"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">South Carolina background (1819–1828)</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-4"><a href="#Route_to_nullification_in_South_Carolina_(1828–1832)"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">Route to nullification in South Carolina (1828–1832)</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5"><a href="#Washington,_D.C._(1828–1832)"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">Washington, D.C. (1828–1832)</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6"><a href="#Negotiation_and_confrontation_(1833)"><span class="tocnumber">6</span> <span class="toctext">Negotiation and confrontation (1833)</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-7"><a href="#Aftermath"><span class="tocnumber">7</span> <span class="toctext">Aftermath</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-8"><a href="#See_also"><span class="tocnumber">8</span> <span class="toctext">See also</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-9"><a href="#References"><span class="tocnumber">9</span> <span class="toctext">References</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-10"><a href="#Sources"><span class="tocnumber">10</span> <span class="toctext">Sources</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-11"><a href="#Further_reading"><span class="tocnumber">11</span> <span class="toctext">Further reading</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-12"><a href="#External_links"><span class="tocnumber">12</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></a></li>
</ul>
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<h2><span id="Background_.281787.E2.80.931816.29"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="Background_(1787–1816)">Background (1787–1816)</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<p>The historian Richard E. Ellis wrote:
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<style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1211633275">.mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 32px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}</style><blockquote class="templatequote"><p> By creating a national government with the authority to act directly upon individuals, by denying to the state many of the prerogatives that they formerly had, and by leaving open to the central government the possibility of claiming for itself many powers not explicitly assigned to it, the Constitution and <a href="/wiki/United_States_Bill_of_Rights" title="United States Bill of Rights">Bill of Rights</a> as finally ratified substantially increased the strength of the central government at the expense of the states.<sup id="cite_ref-10" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-10">[10]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The extent of this change and the problem of the actual distribution of powers between state and the federal governments would be a matter of political and ideological discussion through the <a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War" title="American Civil War">Civil War</a> as well as afterwards.<sup id="cite_ref-11" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-11">[11]</a></sup> In the early 1790s the debate centered on <a href="/wiki/Alexander_Hamilton" title="Alexander Hamilton">Alexander Hamilton</a>'s nationalistic financial program versus Jefferson's democratic and agrarian program, a conflict that led to the formation of two opposing national political parties. Later in the decade the <a href="/wiki/Alien_and_Sedition_Acts" title="Alien and Sedition Acts">Alien and Sedition Acts</a> led to the <a href="/wiki/States%27_rights" title="States' rights">states' rights</a> position being articulated in the <i><a href="/wiki/Kentucky_and_Virginia_Resolutions" title="Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions">Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions</a></i>.<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-12">[12]</a></sup> The Kentucky Resolutions, written by <a href="/wiki/Thomas_Jefferson" title="Thomas Jefferson">Thomas Jefferson</a>, contained the following, which has often been cited as a justification for both nullification and <a href="/wiki/Secession_in_the_United_States" title="Secession in the United States">secession</a>:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>... that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the general government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non fœderis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this commonwealth, from motives of regard and respect for its co-States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it ...<sup id="cite_ref-13" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-13">[13]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The Virginia Resolutions, written by <a href="/wiki/James_Madison" title="James Madison">James Madison</a>, hold a similar argument:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>The resolutions, having taken this view of the Federal compact, proceed to infer that, in cases of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound to interpose to arrest the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. ... The Constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the States, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of the Constitution, that it rests on this solid foundation. The States, then, being parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal above their authority to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and, consequently, as parties to it, they must themselves decide, in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition.<sup id="cite_ref-14" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-14">[14]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Historians differ over the extent to which either resolution advocated the doctrine of nullification. Historian <a href="/wiki/Lance_Banning" title="Lance Banning">Lance Banning</a> wrote, "The legislators of Kentucky (or more likely, <a href="/wiki/John_Breckinridge_(U.S._Attorney_General)" title="John Breckinridge (U.S. Attorney General)">John Breckinridge</a>, the Kentucky legislator who sponsored the resolution) deleted Jefferson's suggestion that the rightful remedy for federal usurpation was a "nullification" of such acts by each state acting on its own to prevent their operation within its respective borders. Rather than suggesting individual, although concerted, measures of this sort, Kentucky was content to ask its sisters to unite in declarations that the acts were "void and of no force", and in "requesting their appeal" at the succeeding session of the Congress."<sup id="cite_ref-15" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-15">[15]</a></sup> The key sentence, and the word "nullification" was used in supplementary Resolutions passed by Kentucky in 1799.<sup id="cite_ref-16" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-16">[16]</a></sup>
</p><p>Madison's judgment is clearer. He was chairman of a committee of the Virginia Legislature, which issued a book-length <a href="/wiki/Report_of_1800" title="Report of 1800"><i>Report on the Resolutions of 1798</i></a>, published in 1800 after they had been decried by several states. This asserted that the state did not claim legal force. "The declarations in such cases are expressions of opinion, unaccompanied by other effect than what they may produce upon opinion, by exciting reflection. The opinions of the judiciary, on the other hand, are carried into immediate effect by force." If the states collectively agreed in their declarations, there were several methods by which it might prevail, from persuading Congress to repeal the unconstitutional law, to calling a constitutional convention, as two-thirds of the states may.<sup id="cite_ref-17" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-17">[17]</a></sup> When, at the time of the nullification crisis, he was presented with the Kentucky resolutions of 1799, he argued that the resolutions themselves were not Jefferson's words, and that Jefferson meant this not as a constitutional, but as a revolutionary right.<sup id="cite_ref-18" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-18">[18]</a></sup>
</p><p>Madison biographer Ralph Ketcham wrote:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Though Madison agreed entirely with the specific condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Acts, with the concept of the limited delegated power of the general government, and even with the proposition that laws contrary to the Constitution were illegal, he drew back from the declaration that each state legislature had the power to act within its borders against the authority of the general government to oppose laws the legislature deemed unconstitutional.<sup id="cite_ref-19" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-19">[19]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Historian <a href="/wiki/Sean_Wilentz" title="Sean Wilentz">Sean Wilentz</a> explains the widespread opposition to these resolutions:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Several states followed <a href="/wiki/Maryland_House_of_Delegates" title="Maryland House of Delegates">Maryland's House of Delegates</a> in rejecting the idea that any state could, by legislative action, even claim that a federal law was unconstitutional, and suggested that any effort to do so was treasonous. A few northern states, including Massachusetts, denied the powers claimed by Kentucky and Virginia and insisted that the Sedition law was perfectly constitutional . ... Ten state legislatures with heavy Federalist majorities from around the country censured Kentucky and Virginia for usurping powers that supposedly belonged to the federal judiciary. Northern Republicans supported the resolutions' objections to the alien and sedition acts, but opposed the idea of state review of federal laws. Southern Republicans outside Virginia and Kentucky were eloquently silent about the matter, and no southern legislature heeded the call to battle.<sup id="cite_ref-20" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-20">[20]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<figure class="mw-default-size mw-halign-left" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale,_1800.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1e/Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale%2C_1800.jpg/220px-Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale%2C_1800.jpg" decoding="async" width="220" height="262" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1e/Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale%2C_1800.jpg/330px-Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale%2C_1800.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1e/Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale%2C_1800.jpg/440px-Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale%2C_1800.jpg 2x" data-file-width="2512" data-file-height="2996" /></a><figcaption>Portrait of <a href="/wiki/Thomas_Jefferson" title="Thomas Jefferson">Thomas Jefferson</a> by <a href="/wiki/Rembrandt_Peale" title="Rembrandt Peale">Rembrandt Peale</a>, 1800</figcaption></figure>
<p>The <a href="/wiki/Election_of_1800" class="mw-redirect" title="Election of 1800">election of 1800</a> was a turning point in national politics, as the Federalists were replaced by the <a href="/wiki/Democratic-Republican_Party" title="Democratic-Republican Party">Democratic-Republican Party</a> led by Jefferson, but the four presidential terms spanning the period from 1800 to 1817 "did little to advance the cause of states' rights and much to weaken it." Over Jefferson's opposition, the power of the federal judiciary, led by Federalist Chief Justice <a href="/wiki/John_Marshall" title="John Marshall">John Marshall</a>, increased. Jefferson expanded federal powers with the acquisition of the <a href="/wiki/Louisiana_Territory" title="Louisiana Territory">Louisiana Territory</a> and his use of a <a href="/wiki/Embargo_Act_of_1807" title="Embargo Act of 1807">national embargo</a> designed to prevent involvement in a European war. Madison in 1809 used national troops to enforce a Supreme Court decision in Pennsylvania, appointed an "extreme nationalist" in <a href="/wiki/Joseph_Story" title="Joseph Story">Joseph Story</a> to the Supreme Court, signed the bill creating the <a href="/wiki/Second_Bank_of_the_United_States" title="Second Bank of the United States">Second Bank of the United States</a>, and called for a constitutional amendment to promote <a href="/wiki/Internal_improvements" title="Internal improvements">internal improvements</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-21" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-21">[21]</a></sup>
</p><p>Opposition to the <a href="/wiki/War_of_1812" title="War of 1812">War of 1812</a> was centered in New England. Delegates to a convention in <a href="/wiki/Hartford,_Connecticut" title="Hartford, Connecticut">Hartford, Connecticut</a>, met in December 1814 to consider a New England response to Madison's war policy. The debate allowed many radicals to argue the cause of states' rights and state sovereignty. In the end, moderate voices dominated and the final product was not secession or nullification, but a series of proposed constitutional amendments.<sup id="cite_ref-22" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-22">[22]</a></sup> Identifying the South's domination of the government as the cause of much of their problems, the proposed amendments included "the repeal of the <a href="/wiki/Three-fifths_compromise" class="mw-redirect" title="Three-fifths compromise">three-fifths clause</a>, a requirement that two-thirds of both houses of Congress agree before any new state could be admitted to the Union, limits on the length of embargoes, and the outlawing of the election of a president from the same state to successive terms, clearly aimed at the Virginians."<sup id="cite_ref-23" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-23">[23]</a></sup> The war was over before the proposals were submitted to President Madison.
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<figure class="mw-default-size mw-halign-right" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:James_Madison_(cropped_3x4_close).jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/50/James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg/220px-James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg" decoding="async" width="220" height="293" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/50/James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg/330px-James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/50/James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg/440px-James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg 2x" data-file-width="1645" data-file-height="2193" /></a><figcaption><a href="/wiki/James_Madison" title="James Madison">James Madison</a></figcaption></figure>
<p>After the conclusion of the War of 1812 <a href="/wiki/Sean_Wilentz" title="Sean Wilentz">Sean Wilentz</a> notes:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Madison's speech [his 1815 annual message to Congress] affirmed that the war had reinforced the evolution of mainstream Republicanism, moving it further away from its original and localist assumptions. The war's immense strain on the treasury led to new calls from nationalist Republicans for a national bank. The difficulties in moving and supplying troops exposed the wretchedness of the country's transportation links, and the need for extensive new roads and canals. A boom in American manufacturing during the prolonged cessation of trade with Britain created an entirely new class of enterprisers, most of them tied politically to the Republicans, who might not survive without tariff protection. More broadly, the war reinforced feelings of national identity and connection.<sup id="cite_ref-24" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-24">[24]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>This spirit of nationalism was linked to the tremendous growth and economic prosperity of this postwar era. However in 1819, the nation suffered its <a href="/wiki/Panic_of_1819" title="Panic of 1819">first financial panic</a> and the 1820s turned out to be a decade of political turmoil that again led to fierce debates over competing views of the exact nature of American federalism. The "extreme democratic and agrarian rhetoric" that had been so effective in 1798 led to renewed attacks on the "numerous market-oriented enterprises, particularly banks, corporations, creditors, and absentee landholders".<sup id="cite_ref-25" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-25">[25]</a></sup>
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<h2><span id="Tariffs_.281816.E2.80.931828.29"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="Tariffs_(1816–1828)">Tariffs (1816–1828)</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<p>The <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1816" title="Tariff of 1816">Tariff of 1816</a> had some protective features, and it received support throughout the nation, including that of John C. Calhoun and fellow South Carolinian <a href="/wiki/William_Lowndes_(congressman)" title="William Lowndes (congressman)">William Lowndes</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-26" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-26">[26]</a></sup> The first explicitly protective tariff linked to a specific program of internal improvements was the <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1824" title="Tariff of 1824">Tariff of 1824</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-27" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-27">[27]</a></sup> Sponsored by <a href="/wiki/Henry_Clay" title="Henry Clay">Henry Clay</a>, this tariff provided a general level of protection at 35% <a href="/wiki/Ad_valorem_tax" title="Ad valorem tax">ad valorem</a> (compared to 25% with the 1816 act) and hiked duties on iron, woolens, cotton, hemp, and wool and cotton bagging. The bill barely passed the federal <a href="/wiki/United_States_House_of_Representatives" title="United States House of Representatives">House of Representatives</a> by a vote of 107 to 102. The Middle states and Northwest supported the bill, the South and Southwest opposed it, and New England split its vote with a majority opposing it. In the Senate, the bill, with the support of <a href="/wiki/Tennessee" title="Tennessee">Tennessee</a> Senator <a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson" title="Andrew Jackson">Andrew Jackson</a>, passed by four votes, and President <a href="/wiki/James_Monroe" title="James Monroe">James Monroe</a>, the Virginia heir to the Jefferson-Madison control of the <a href="/wiki/White_House" title="White House">White House</a>, signed the bill on March 25, 1824.<sup id="cite_ref-28" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-28">[28]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/Daniel_Webster" title="Daniel Webster">Daniel Webster</a> of <a href="/wiki/Massachusetts" title="Massachusetts">Massachusetts</a> led the New England opposition to this tariff.<sup id="cite_ref-29" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-29">[29]</a></sup>
</p><p>Protest against the prospect and the constitutionality of higher tariffs began in 1826 and 1827 with <a href="/wiki/William_Branch_Giles" title="William Branch Giles">William Branch Giles</a>, who had the Virginia legislature pass resolutions denying the power of Congress to pass protective tariffs, citing the Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and James Madison's 1800 defense of them. Madison denied both the appeal to nullification and the unconstitutionality; he had always held that the power to regulate commerce included protection. Jefferson had, at the end of his life, written against protective tariffs.<sup id="cite_ref-30" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-30">[30]</a></sup>
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<figure class="mw-halign-right" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg/200px-MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg" decoding="async" width="200" height="290" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg/300px-MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg/400px-MVan_Buren-portrait.jpg 2x" data-file-width="4072" data-file-height="5904" /></a><figcaption>Portrait of Martin Van Buren</figcaption></figure>
<p>The Tariff of 1828 was largely the work of <a href="/wiki/Martin_Van_Buren" title="Martin Van Buren">Martin Van Buren</a> (although <a href="/wiki/Silas_Wright_Jr." class="mw-redirect" title="Silas Wright Jr.">Silas Wright Jr.</a> of New York prepared the main provisions) and was partly a political ploy to elect Andrew Jackson President. Van Buren calculated that the South would vote for Jackson regardless of the issues, so he ignored their interests in drafting the bill. New England, he thought, was just as likely to support the incumbent John Quincy Adams, so the bill levied heavy taxes on raw materials consumed by New England such as hemp, flax, molasses, iron, and sail duck. With an additional tariff on iron to satisfy Pennsylvania interests, Van Buren expected the tariff to help deliver <a href="/wiki/Pennsylvania" title="Pennsylvania">Pennsylvania</a>, <a href="/wiki/New_York_(state)" title="New York (state)">New York</a>, <a href="/wiki/Missouri" title="Missouri">Missouri</a>, <a href="/wiki/Ohio" title="Ohio">Ohio</a>, and Kentucky to Jackson. Over opposition from the South and some from New England, the tariff was passed with the full support of many Jackson supporters in Congress and signed by President Adams in early 1828.<sup id="cite_ref-31" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-31">[31]</a></sup>
</p><p>As expected, Jackson and his running mate John Calhoun carried the entire South with overwhelming numbers in every state but Louisiana, where Adams drew 47% of the vote in a losing effort. But many Southerners became dissatisfied as Jackson, in his first two annual messages to Congress, failed to launch a strong attack on the tariff. Historian <a href="/wiki/William_J._Cooper_Jr." title="William J. Cooper Jr.">William J. Cooper Jr.</a> writes:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>The most doctrinaire ideologues of the Old Republican group [supporters of the Jefferson and Madison position in the late 1790s] first found Jackson wanting. These purists identified the tariff of 1828, the hated Tariff of Abominations, as the most heinous manifestation of the nationalist policy they abhorred. That protective tariff violated their constitutional theory, for, as they interpreted the document, it gave no permission for a protective tariff. Moreover, they saw protection as benefiting the North and hurting the South.<sup id="cite_ref-32" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-32">[32]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<h2><span id="South_Carolina_background_.281819.E2.80.931828.29"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="South_Carolina_background_(1819–1828)">South Carolina background (1819–1828)</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<figure class="mw-halign-left" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:Sket-Calhoun.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/02/Sket-Calhoun.jpg/210px-Sket-Calhoun.jpg" decoding="async" width="210" height="285" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/02/Sket-Calhoun.jpg/315px-Sket-Calhoun.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/02/Sket-Calhoun.jpg 2x" data-file-width="412" data-file-height="559" /></a><figcaption>John C. Calhoun</figcaption></figure>
<p>South Carolina had been adversely affected by the national economic decline of the 1820s. During this decade, the population decreased by 56,000 whites and 30,000 slaves, out of a total free and slave population of 580,000. The whites left for better places; they took slaves with them or sold them to traders moving slaves to the Deep South for sale.<sup id="cite_ref-33" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-33">[33]</a></sup>
</p><p>Historian Richard E. Ellis describes the situation:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Throughout the colonial and early national periods, South Carolina had sustained substantial economic growth and prosperity. This had created an extremely wealthy and extravagant low country aristocracy whose fortunes were based first on the cultivation of rice and indigo, and then on cotton. Then the state was devastated by the <a href="/wiki/Panic_of_1819" title="Panic of 1819">Panic of 1819</a>. The depression that followed was more severe than in almost any other state of the Union. Moreover, competition from the newer cotton producing areas along the <a href="/wiki/Gulf_Coast_of_the_United_States" title="Gulf Coast of the United States">Gulf Coast</a>, blessed with fertile lands that produced a higher crop-yield per acre, made recovery painfully slow. To make matters worse, in large areas of South Carolina slaves vastly outnumbered whites, and there existed both considerable fear of slave rebellion and a growing sensitivity to even the smallest criticism of "the peculiar institution."<sup id="cite_ref-34" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-34">[34]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<figure class="mw-halign-right" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:George-McDuffie.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/40/George-McDuffie.jpg/200px-George-McDuffie.jpg" decoding="async" width="200" height="261" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/40/George-McDuffie.jpg/300px-George-McDuffie.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/40/George-McDuffie.jpg/400px-George-McDuffie.jpg 2x" data-file-width="614" data-file-height="801" /></a><figcaption>George McDuffie</figcaption></figure>
<p>State leaders, led by states' rights advocates such as <a href="/wiki/William_Smith_(South_Carolina_senator)" class="mw-redirect" title="William Smith (South Carolina senator)">William Smith</a> and <a href="/wiki/Thomas_Cooper_(American_politician,_born_1759)" title="Thomas Cooper (American politician, born 1759)">Thomas Cooper</a>, blamed most of the state's economic problems on the Tariff of 1816 and national internal improvement projects. <a href="/wiki/Soil_erosion" title="Soil erosion">Soil erosion</a> and competition from the <a href="/wiki/East_South_Central_states" title="East South Central states">New Southwest</a> were also very significant reasons for the state's declining fortunes.<sup id="cite_ref-35" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-35">[35]</a></sup> <a href="/wiki/George_McDuffie" title="George McDuffie">George McDuffie</a> was a particularly effective speaker for the anti-tariff forces, and he popularized the Forty Bale theory. McDuffie argued that the 40% tariff on cotton finished goods meant that "the manufacturer actually invades your barns, and plunders you of 40 out of every 100 bales that you produce." Mathematically incorrect, this argument still struck a nerve with his constituency. Nationalists such as Calhoun were forced by the increasing power of such leaders to retreat from their previous positions and adopt, in the words of Ellis, "an even more extreme version of the states' rights doctrine" in order to maintain political significance within South Carolina.<sup id="cite_ref-36" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-36">[36]</a></sup>
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<figure class="mw-default-size mw-halign-left" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1e/Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg/220px-Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg" decoding="async" width="220" height="329" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1e/Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg/330px-Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1e/Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg/440px-Thomas_Bee%27s_House.jpg 2x" data-file-width="2592" data-file-height="3872" /></a><figcaption>Thomas Bee's House, Charleston, <i>circa</i> 1730: The Nullification Movement that split the nation started here in 1832. John C. Calhoun, S.C. Governor Robert Hayne, General James Hamilton and other leaders drafted the Nullification Papers in the second-floor drawing room.</figcaption></figure>
<p><span class="anchor" id="Negro_Seamen_Act"></span>South Carolina's first effort at nullification occurred in 1822. Its planters believed that free black sailors had assisted <a href="/wiki/Denmark_Vesey" title="Denmark Vesey">Denmark Vesey</a> in his planned slave rebellion. South Carolina passed the Negro Seamen Act, which required all black foreign seamen to be imprisoned while their ships were docked in <a href="/wiki/Charleston,_South_Carolina" title="Charleston, South Carolina">Charleston</a>. The <a href="/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom">United Kingdom</a> strongly objected, especially as it was recruiting more Africans as sailors. Worse, if the captains did not pay the fees to cover the cost of jailing, South Carolina would sell the sailors into <a href="/wiki/Slavery_in_the_United_States" title="Slavery in the United States">slavery</a>. Other Southern states also passed laws against free black sailors.<sup id="cite_ref-horne_37-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-horne-37">[37]</a></sup>
</p><p>Supreme Court Justice <a href="/wiki/William_Johnson_(judge)" title="William Johnson (judge)">William Johnson</a>, in his capacity as a circuit judge, declared the South Carolina law as unconstitutional since it violated the United States' treaties with the United Kingdom. The South Carolina Senate announced that the judge's ruling was invalid and that the act would be enforced. The federal government did not attempt to carry out Johnson's decision.<sup id="cite_ref-38" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-38">[38]</a></sup>
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<h2><span id="Route_to_nullification_in_South_Carolina_.281828.E2.80.931832.29"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="Route_to_nullification_in_South_Carolina_(1828–1832)">Route to nullification in South Carolina (1828–1832)</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<figure typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:JRP-SoW,_S.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f2/JRP-SoW%2C_S.jpg/220px-JRP-SoW%2C_S.jpg" decoding="async" width="220" height="240" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f2/JRP-SoW%2C_S.jpg/330px-JRP-SoW%2C_S.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f2/JRP-SoW%2C_S.jpg/440px-JRP-SoW%2C_S.jpg 2x" data-file-width="484" data-file-height="529" /></a><figcaption>Joel Roberts Poinsett, South Carolina Unionist leader</figcaption></figure>
<p>Historian <a href="/wiki/Avery_Craven" title="Avery Craven">Avery Craven</a> argues that, for the most part, the debate from 1828 to 1832 was a local South Carolina affair. The state's leaders were not united and the sides were roughly equal. The western part of the state and a faction in Charleston, led by <a href="/wiki/Joel_Roberts_Poinsett" title="Joel Roberts Poinsett">Joel Poinsett</a> and <a href="/wiki/Thomas_Smith_Grimk%C3%A9" title="Thomas Smith Grimké">Thomas Smith Grimké</a>, remained loyal to the Union. Only in small part was the conflict between "a National North against a States'-right South".<sup id="cite_ref-39" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-39">[39]</a></sup>
</p><p>After the final vote on the Tariff of 1828, South Carolina's congressional delegation held two caucuses, the second at the home of Senator <a href="/wiki/Robert_Y._Hayne" title="Robert Y. Hayne">Robert Y. Hayne</a>. They were rebuffed in their efforts to coordinate a united Southern response and focused on how their state representatives would react. While many agreed with McDuffie that tariff policy could lead to secession, they all agreed that, as much as possible, the issue should be kept out of <a href="/wiki/1828_United_States_presidential_election" title="1828 United States presidential election">the upcoming presidential election</a>. Calhoun, while not at this meeting, served as a moderating influence. He felt that the first step in reducing the tariff was to defeat Adams and his supporters in the upcoming election. <a href="/wiki/William_C._Preston" title="William C. Preston">William C. Preston</a>, on behalf of the South Carolina legislature, asked Calhoun to prepare a report on the tariff situation. Calhoun readily accepted and in a few weeks had a 35,000-word draft of what would become his "<a href="/wiki/South_Carolina_Exposition_and_Protest" title="South Carolina Exposition and Protest">Exposition and Protest</a>".<sup id="cite_ref-40" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-40">[40]</a></sup>
</p><p>Calhoun's "Exposition" was completed late in 1828. He argued that the tariff of 1828 was unconstitutional because it favored manufacturing over commerce and agriculture. He believed the tariff power could be used only to generate revenue, not to provide protection from foreign competition for American industries, and that the people of a state or several states, acting in a democratically elected convention, had the power to veto any act of the federal government that violated the Constitution. This veto, the core of the doctrine of nullification, was explained by Calhoun in the Exposition:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>If it be conceded, as it must be by every one who is the least conversant with our institutions, that the sovereign powers delegated are divided between the General and State Governments, and that the latter hold their portion by the same tenure as the former, it would seem impossible to deny to the States the right of deciding on the infractions of their powers, and the proper remedy to be applied for their correction. The right of judging, in such cases, is an essential attribute of sovereignty, of which the States cannot be divested without losing their sovereignty itself, and being reduced to a subordinate corporate condition. In fact, to divide power, and to give to one of the parties the exclusive right of judging of the portion allotted to each, is, in reality, not to divide it at all; and to reserve such exclusive right to the General Government (it matters not by what department to be exercised), is to convert it, in fact, into a great consolidated government, with unlimited powers, and to divest the States, in reality, of all their rights, It is impossible to understand the force of terms, and to deny so plain a conclusion.<sup id="cite_ref-41" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-41">[41]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The report also detailed the specific southern grievances over the tariff that led to the current dissatisfaction.<sup id="cite_ref-42" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-42">[42]</a></sup> Fearful that "hotheads" such as McDuffie might force the legislature into taking drastic action against the federal government, historian <a href="/wiki/John_Niven" title="John Niven">John Niven</a> describes Calhoun's political purpose in the document:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>All through that hot and humid summer, emotions among the vociferous planter population had been worked up to a near-frenzy of excitement. The whole tenor of the argument built up in the "Exposition" was aimed to present the case in a cool, considered manner that would dampen any drastic moves yet would set in motion the machinery for repeal of the tariff act. It would also warn other sections of the Union against any future legislation that an increasingly self-conscious South might consider punitive, especially on the subject of slavery.<sup id="cite_ref-43" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-43">[43]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The report was submitted to the state legislature, which had 5,000 copies printed and distributed. Calhoun, who still had designs on succeeding Jackson as president, was not identified as the author, but word on this soon leaked out. The legislature took no action on the report at that time.<sup id="cite_ref-44" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-44">[44]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the summer of 1828, <a href="/wiki/Robert_Rhett" class="mw-redirect" title="Robert Rhett">Robert Barnwell Rhett</a>, soon to be considered the most radical of the South Carolinians, entered the fray over the tariff. As a state representative, Rhett called for the governor to convene a special session of the legislature. An outstanding orator, Rhett appealed to his constituents to resist the majority in Congress. He addressed the danger of doing nothing:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>But if you are doubtful of yourselves—if you are not prepared to follow up your principles wherever they may lead, to their very last consequence—if you love life better than honor,—prefer ease to perilous liberty and glory; awake not! Stir not!—Impotent resistance will add vengeance to your ruin. Live in smiling peace with your insatiable Oppressors, and die with the noble consolation that your submissive patience will survive triumphant your beggary and despair.<sup id="cite_ref-45" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-45">[45]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Rhett's rhetoric about revolution and war was too radical in the summer of 1828 but, with the election of Jackson assured, <a href="/wiki/James_Hamilton_Jr." title="James Hamilton Jr.">James Hamilton Jr.</a> on October 28 in the <a href="/wiki/Colleton_County_Courthouse" title="Colleton County Courthouse">Colleton County Courthouse</a> in <a href="/wiki/Walterboro,_South_Carolina" title="Walterboro, South Carolina">Walterborough</a> "launched the formal nullification campaign."<sup id="cite_ref-46" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-46">[46]</a></sup> Renouncing his former nationalism, Hamilton warned the people that "Your task-master must soon become a tyrant, from the very abuses and corruption of the system, without the bowels of compassion, or a jot of human sympathy." He called for implementation of Jefferson's "rightful remedy" of nullification. Hamilton sent a copy of the speech directly to President-elect Jackson. But despite a statewide campaign by Hamilton and McDuffie, a proposal to call a nullification convention in 1829 was defeated by the South Carolina legislature meeting at the end of 1828. State leaders such as Calhoun, Hayne, Smith, and <a href="/wiki/William_Drayton" title="William Drayton">William Drayton</a> all remained publicly noncommittal or opposed to nullification for the next couple of years.<sup id="cite_ref-47" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-47">[47]</a></sup>
</p><p>The division in the state between radicals and conservatives continued through 1829 and 1830. After the failure of a state project to arrange financing of a railroad within the state to promote internal trade, the state petitioned Congress to invest $250,000 in the company trying to build it. After Congress tabled the measure, debate in South Carolina resumed between those who wanted state investment and those who wanted to work to get Congress's support. The debate demonstrated that a significant minority of the state did have an interest in Clay's <a href="/wiki/American_System_(economic_plan)" title="American System (economic plan)">American System</a>. The effect of the <a href="/wiki/Webster%E2%80%93Hayne_debate" title="Webster–Hayne debate">Webster–Hayne debate</a> was to energize the radicals, and some moderates started to move in their direction.<sup id="cite_ref-48" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-48">[48]</a></sup>
</p><p>The state election campaign of 1830 focused on the tariff issue and the need for a state convention. On the defensive, radicals underplayed the intent of the convention as pro-nullification. When voters were presented with races where an unpledged convention was the issue, the radicals generally won. When conservatives effectively characterized the race as being about nullification, the radicals lost. The October election was narrowly carried by the radicals, although the blurring of the issues left them without any specific mandate.<sup id="cite_ref-49" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-49">[49]</a></sup> In South Carolina, the governor was selected by the legislature, which chose James Hamilton, the leader of the radical movement, and fellow radical <a href="/wiki/Henry_L._Pinckney" title="Henry L. Pinckney">Henry L. Pinckney</a> as speaker of the South Carolina House. For the open Senate seat, the legislature chose the more radical <a href="/wiki/Stephen_Decatur_Miller" title="Stephen Decatur Miller">Stephen Decatur Miller</a> over William Smith.<sup id="cite_ref-50" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-50">[50]</a></sup>
</p><p>With radicals in leading positions, in 1831 they began to capture momentum. State politics became sharply divided along <a href="/wiki/Nullifier_Party" title="Nullifier Party">Nullifier</a> and Unionist lines. Still, the margin in the legislature fell short of the two-thirds majority needed for a convention. Many of the radicals felt that convincing Calhoun of the futility of his plans for the presidency would lead him into their ranks. Calhoun, meanwhile, had concluded that Van Buren was establishing himself as Jackson's heir apparent. At Hamilton's prompting, McDuffie made a three-hour speech in Charleston demanding nullification of the tariff at any cost. In the state, the success of McDuffie's speech seemed to open up the possibilities of both military confrontation with the federal government and civil war within the state. With silence no longer an acceptable alternative, Calhoun looked for the opportunity to take control of the antitariff faction in the state; by June he was preparing what would be known as his Fort Hill Address.<sup id="cite_ref-51" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-51">[51]</a></sup>
</p><p>Published on July 26, 1831, the address repeated and expanded the positions Calhoun had made in the "Exposition". While the logic of much of the speech was consistent with the states' rights position of most Jacksonians, and even Daniel Webster remarked that it "was the ablest and most plausible, and therefore the most dangerous vindication of that particular form of Revolution", the speech still placed Calhoun clearly in a nullified camp. Within South Carolina, his gestures at moderation in the speech were drowned out as planters received word of the <a href="/wiki/Nat_Turner" title="Nat Turner">Nat Turner</a> insurrection in Virginia. Calhoun was not alone in finding a connection between the <a href="/wiki/Abolitionism_in_the_United_States" title="Abolitionism in the United States">abolition movement</a> and the sectional aspects of the tariff issue.<sup id="cite_ref-52" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-52">[52]</a></sup> It confirmed for Calhoun what he had written in a September 11, 1830, letter:
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<blockquote><p>I consider the tariff act as the occasion, rather than the real cause of the present unhappy state of things. The truth can no longer be disguised, that the <a href="/wiki/Slavery_in_the_United_States" title="Slavery in the United States">peculiar institution</a> of the Southern States and the consequent direction which that and her soil have given to her industry, has placed them in regard to taxation and appropriations in opposite relation to the majority of the Union, against the danger of which, if there be no protective power in the reserved rights of the states they must in the end be forced to rebel, or, submit to have their paramount interests sacrificed, their domestic institutions subordinated by Colonization and other schemes, and themselves and children reduced to wretchedness.<sup id="cite_ref-53" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-53">[53]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>From this point, the nullifiers accelerated their organization and rhetoric. In July 1831, the States Rights and Free Trade Association was formed in Charleston and expanded throughout the state. Unlike state political organizations in the past, which were led by the South Carolina planter aristocracy, this group appealed to all segments of the population, including non-slaveholder farmers, small slaveholders, and the Charleston non-agricultural class. Governor Hamilton was instrumental in seeing that the association, which was both a political and a social organization, expanded throughout the state. In the winter of 1831 and spring of 1832, Hamilton held conventions and rallies throughout the state to mobilize the nullification movement. The conservatives were unable to match the radicals in organization or leadership.<sup id="cite_ref-54" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-54">[54]</a></sup>
</p><p>The state elections of 1832 were "charged with tension and bespattered with violence," and "polite debates often degenerated into frontier brawls." Unlike the previous year's election, the choice was clear between nullifiers and unionists. The nullifiers won and on October 20, 1832, Hamilton called the legislature into a special session to consider a convention. The legislative vote was 96–25 in the House and 31–13 in the Senate.<sup id="cite_ref-55" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-55">[55]</a></sup>
</p><p>In November 1832, the Nullification Convention met. The convention declared the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 unconstitutional and unenforceable within the state of South Carolina after February 1, 1833. It was asserted that attempts to use force to collect the taxes would lead to the state's secession. Robert Hayne, who succeeded Hamilton as governor in 1833, established a 2,000-man group of mounted <a href="/wiki/Minutemen" title="Minutemen">minutemen</a> and 25,000 infantry who would march to Charleston in the event of a military conflict. These troops were to be armed with $100,000 in arms purchased in the North.<sup id="cite_ref-56" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-56">[56]</a></sup>
</p><p>The enabling legislation passed by the legislature was carefully constructed to avoid clashes if at all possible and create an aura of legality in the process. To avoid conflicts with Unionists, it allowed importers to pay the tariff if they desired. Other merchants could pay the tariff by obtaining a paper tariff bond from the customs officer. They would then refuse to pay the bond when due, and if the customs official seized the goods, the merchant would file for a writ of <a href="/wiki/Replevin" title="Replevin">replevin</a> to recover the goods in state court. Customs officials who refused to return the goods (by placing them under the protection of federal troops) would be civilly liable for twice the value of the goods. To ensure that state officials and judges supported the law, a "test oath" would be required for all new state officials, binding them to support the ordinance of nullification.<sup id="cite_ref-57" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-57">[57]</a></sup>
</p><p>Governor Hayne in his inaugural address announced South Carolina's position:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>If the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her citizens, shed in defense, I trust in Almighty God that no son of hers ... who has been nourished at her bosom ... will be found raising a parricidal arm against our common mother. And even should she stand ALONE in this great struggle for constitutional liberty ... that there will not be found, in the wider limits of the state, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue, and be ready to lay down his life in her defense.<sup id="cite_ref-58" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-58">[58]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<h2><span id="Washington.2C_D.C._.281828.E2.80.931832.29"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="Washington,_D.C._(1828–1832)">Washington, D.C. (1828–1832)</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<figure class="mw-halign-right" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:Andrew_jackson_head.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/Andrew_jackson_head.jpg/200px-Andrew_jackson_head.jpg" decoding="async" width="200" height="243" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/Andrew_jackson_head.jpg/300px-Andrew_jackson_head.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/Andrew_jackson_head.jpg/400px-Andrew_jackson_head.jpg 2x" data-file-width="2472" data-file-height="3000" /></a><figcaption>Official <a href="/wiki/White_House" title="White House">White House</a> portrait of Andrew Jackson</figcaption></figure>
<p>When President Jackson took office in March 1829, he was well aware of the turmoil created by the "Tariff of Abominations". While he may have abandoned some of his earlier beliefs that had allowed him to vote for the Tariff of 1824, he still felt protectionism was justified for products essential to military preparedness and did not believe that the current tariff should be reduced until the <a href="/wiki/National_debt" class="mw-redirect" title="National debt">national debt</a> was fully paid off. He addressed the issue in his inaugural address and his first three messages to Congress, but offered no specific relief. In December 1831, with the proponents of nullification in South Carolina gaining momentum, Jackson recommended "the exercise of that spirit of concession and conciliation which has distinguished the friends of our Union in all great emergencies."<sup id="cite_ref-59" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-59">[59]</a></sup> But on the constitutional issue of nullification, despite his strong beliefs in states' rights, Jackson did not waver.
</p><p>Calhoun's "Exposition and Protest" started a national debate on the doctrine of nullification. The leading proponents<sup id="cite_ref-60" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-60">[60]</a></sup> of the nationalistic view included Daniel Webster, Supreme Court Justice <a href="/wiki/Joseph_Story" title="Joseph Story">Joseph Story</a>, Judge <a href="/wiki/William_Alexander_Duer" title="William Alexander Duer">William Alexander Duer</a>, John Quincy Adams, <a href="/wiki/Nathaniel_Chipman" title="Nathaniel Chipman">Nathaniel Chipman</a>, and <a href="/wiki/Nathan_Dane" title="Nathan Dane">Nathan Dane</a>. They rejected the <a href="/wiki/Compact_theory" title="Compact theory">compact theory</a> advanced by Calhoun, claiming that the Constitution was the product of the people, not the states. According to the nationalist position, the Supreme Court had the final say on legislation's constitutionality, and the national union was perpetual and had supreme authority over individual states.<sup id="cite_ref-61" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-61">[61]</a></sup> The nullifiers, on the other hand, asserted that the central government was not the ultimate arbiter of its own power, and that the states, as the contracting entities, could judge for themselves what was constitutional. While Calhoun's "Exposition" claimed that nullification was based on the reasoning behind the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, an aging James Madison in an August 28, 1830, letter to <a href="/wiki/Edward_Everett" title="Edward Everett">Edward Everett</a>, intended for publication, disagreed. Madison wrote, denying that any individual state could alter the compact:<sup id="cite_ref-62" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-62">[62]</a></sup>
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p> Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine than that it puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over 1/4 of the U. S.—that is, of 7 States out of 24—to give the law and even the Constn. to 17 States, each of the 17 having as parties to the Constn. an equal right with each of the 7 to expound it & to insist on the exposition. That the 7 might, in particular instances be right and the 17 wrong, is more than possible. But to establish a positive & permanent rule giving such a power to such a minority over such a majority, would overturn the first principle of free Govt. and in practice necessarily overturn the Govt. itself.<sup id="cite_ref-63" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-63">[63]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<figure class="mw-halign-right" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/25/Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg/250px-Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg" decoding="async" width="250" height="208" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/25/Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg/375px-Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/25/Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg/500px-Webster%27s_Reply_to_Hayne.jpg 2x" data-file-width="676" data-file-height="563" /></a><figcaption><i>Webster Replying to Hayne</i> by George P.A. Healy</figcaption></figure>
<p>Part of the South's strategy to force repeal of the tariff was to arrange an alliance with the West. Under the plan, the South would support the West's demand for free lands in the public domain if the West supported repeal of the tariff. With this purpose, Robert Hayne took the floor on the Senate in early 1830, beginning "the most celebrated debate in the Senate's history." Daniel Webster's response shifted the debate, subsequently styled the Webster-Hayne debates, from the specific issue of western lands to a general debate on the very nature of the United States. Webster's position differed from Madison's: Webster asserted that the people of the United States acted as one aggregate body, while Madison held that the people of the several states acted collectively. <a href="/wiki/John_Rowan_(politician)" class="mw-redirect" title="John Rowan (politician)">John Rowan</a> spoke against Webster on that issue, and Madison wrote, congratulating Webster, but explaining his own position.<sup id="cite_ref-64" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-64">[64]</a></sup> The debate presented the fullest articulation of the differences over nullification, and 40,000 copies of Webster's response, which concluded with "liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable", were distributed nationwide.<sup id="cite_ref-65" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-65">[65]</a></sup>
</p><p>Many people expected Jackson to side with Hayne, but once the debate shifted to secession and nullification, he sided with Webster. On April 13, 1830, at the traditional Democratic Party celebration honoring Jefferson's birthday, Jackson chose to make his position clear. In a battle of toasts, Hayne proposed, "The Union of the States, and the Sovereignty of the States." Jackson's response, when his turn came, was, "Our Federal Union: It must be preserved." To those attending, the effect was dramatic. Calhoun responded with his own toast, in a play on Webster's closing remarks in the earlier debate, "The Union. Next to our liberty, the most dear." Finally, Van Buren offered, "Mutual forbearance and reciprocal concession. Through their agency the Union was established. The patriotic spirit from which they emanated will forever sustain it."
</p><p>Van Buren wrote in his autobiography of Jackson's toast, "The veil was rent—the incantations of the night were exposed to the light of day." Senator <a href="/wiki/Thomas_Hart_Benton_(senator)" class="mw-redirect" title="Thomas Hart Benton (senator)">Thomas Hart Benton</a>, in his memoirs, wrote that the toast "electrified the country."<sup id="cite_ref-66" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-66">[66]</a></sup> Jackson had the final word a few days later, when a visitor from South Carolina asked if Jackson had any message he wanted relayed to his friends back in the state. Jackson's reply was:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Yes I have; please give my compliments to my friends in your State and say to them, that if a single drop of blood shall be shed there in opposition to the laws of the United States, I will hang the first man I can lay my hand on engaged in such treasonable conduct, upon the first tree I can reach.<sup id="cite_ref-67" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-67">[67]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>Other issues than the tariff were still being decided. In May 1830, Jackson vetoed the <a href="/wiki/Maysville_Road_veto" title="Maysville Road veto">Maysville Road Bill</a>, an important internal-improvements program (especially to Kentucky and Henry Clay), and then followed this with additional vetoes of other such projects shortly before Congress adjourned at the end of May. Clay used these vetoes to launch his presidential campaign.<sup id="cite_ref-68" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-68">[68]</a></sup> In 1831, the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, with Clay and Jackson on opposite sides, reopened a long-simmering problem. This issue was featured at the December 1831 National Republican convention in <a href="/wiki/Baltimore" title="Baltimore">Baltimore</a>, which nominated Clay for president, and the proposal to recharter was formally introduced into Congress on January 6, 1832.<sup id="cite_ref-69" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-69">[69]</a></sup> The Calhoun-Jackson split entered the center stage when Calhoun, as vice president presiding over the Senate, cast the tie-breaking vote to deny Van Buren the post of minister to <a href="/wiki/England" title="England">England</a>. Van Buren was subsequently selected as Jackson's running mate at the <a href="/wiki/1832_Democratic_National_Convention" title="1832 Democratic National Convention">1832 Democratic National Convention</a> held in May.<sup id="cite_ref-70" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-70">[70]</a></sup>
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<figure class="mw-halign-right" typeof="mw:File/Thumb"><a href="/wiki/File:Henry_Clay.JPG" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/92/Henry_Clay.JPG/200px-Henry_Clay.JPG" decoding="async" width="200" height="241" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/92/Henry_Clay.JPG/300px-Henry_Clay.JPG 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/92/Henry_Clay.JPG/400px-Henry_Clay.JPG 2x" data-file-width="2898" data-file-height="3496" /></a><figcaption>Portrait of Henry Clay</figcaption></figure>
<p>In February 1832, Clay, back in the Senate after a two-decade absence, made a three-day speech calling for a new tariff schedule and an expansion of his American System. In an effort to reach out to Calhoun and other Southerners, Clay's proposal provided for a $10 million revenue reduction based on the budget surplus he anticipated for the coming year. Significant protection was still part of the plan, as the reduction primarily came on imports not in competition with domestic producers. Jackson proposed an alternative that reduced overall tariffs to 28%. John Quincy Adams, now in the House of Representatives, used his Committee of Manufacturers to produce a compromise bill that, in its final form, reduced revenues by $5 million, lowered duties on noncompetitive products, and retained high tariffs on woolens, iron, and cotton products. During the political maneuvering, McDuffie's <a href="/wiki/Ways_and_Means_Committee" class="mw-redirect" title="Ways and Means Committee">Ways and Means Committee</a>, the normal originator of such bills, prepared a bill with drastic reduction across the board, but it went nowhere. Jackson signed the Tariff of 1832 on July 14, 1832, a few days after vetoing the Bank of the United States recharter bill. Congress adjourned after failing to override Jackson's veto.<sup id="cite_ref-71" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-71">[71]</a></sup>
</p><p>With Congress adjourned, Jackson anxiously watched events in South Carolina. The nullifiers found no significant compromise in the Tariff of 1832 and acted accordingly. Jackson heard rumors of efforts to subvert members of the army and navy in Charleston and ordered the secretaries of the army and navy to begin rotating troops and officers based on their loyalty. He ordered General <a href="/wiki/Winfield_Scott" title="Winfield Scott">Winfield Scott</a> to prepare for military operations and ordered a naval squadron in <a href="/wiki/Norfolk,_Virginia" title="Norfolk, Virginia">Norfolk</a> to prepare to go to Charleston. Jackson kept lines of communication open with unionists such as <a href="/wiki/Joel_Roberts_Poinsett" title="Joel Roberts Poinsett">Joel Poinsett</a>, <a href="/wiki/William_Drayton" title="William Drayton">William Drayton</a>, and <a href="/wiki/James_L._Petigru" title="James L. Petigru">James L. Petigru</a> and sent George Breathitt, brother of <a href="/wiki/John_Breathitt" title="John Breathitt">the Kentucky governor</a>, to independently obtain political and military intelligence. After their defeat at the polls in October, Petigru advised Jackson to "Be prepared to hear very shortly of a State Convention and an act of Nullification."
</p><p>On October 29, 1832, Jackson wrote to his <a href="/wiki/Secretary_of_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Secretary of War">Secretary of War</a>, <a href="/wiki/Lewis_Cass" title="Lewis Cass">Lewis Cass</a>:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>The attempt will be made to surprise the Forts & garrisons by the militia, and must be guarded against with vestal vigilance and any attempt by force repelled with prompt and exemplary punishment.</p></blockquote>
<p>By mid-November, Jackson's reelection was assured.<sup id="cite_ref-72" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-72">[72]</a></sup> On December 3, 1832, Jackson sent his fourth annual message to Congress. The message "was stridently states' rights and agrarian in its tone and thrust" and disavowed protection as anything other than a temporary expedient.<sup id="cite_ref-73" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-73">[73]</a></sup> His intent regarding nullification, as communicated to Van Buren, was "to pass it barely in review, as a mere buble  [<i><a href="/wiki/Sic" title="Sic">sic</a></i>], view the existing laws as competent to check and put it down." He hoped to create a "moral force" that would transcend political parties and sections. The paragraph in the message that addressed nullification was:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>It is my painful duty to state that in one quarter of the United States opposition to the revenue laws has arisen to a height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. What ever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the General Government, it is hoped they will be able peaceably to overcome them by the prudence of their own officers and the patriotism of the people. But should this reasonable reliance on the moderation and good sense of all portions of our fellow citizens be disappointed, it is believed that the laws themselves are fully adequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable from any cause what ever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with a suggestion of such views and measures as may be deemed necessary to meet it.<sup id="cite_ref-74" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-74">[74]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>On December 10, Jackson issued the <a href="/wiki/Proclamation_to_the_People_of_South_Carolina" title="Proclamation to the People of South Carolina">Proclamation to the People of South Carolina</a>, in which he characterized the positions of the nullifiers as "impractical absurdity" and "a metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit of an impractical theory." He provided this concise statement of his belief:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which It was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.<sup id="cite_ref-75" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-75">[75]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The language Jackson used, combined with the reports out of South Carolina, raised the spectre of military confrontation for many on both sides of the issue. A group of Democrats, led by Van Buren and Thomas Hart Benton, among others, saw the only solution to the crisis in a substantial reduction of the tariff.
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<h2><span id="Negotiation_and_confrontation_.281833.29"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="Negotiation_and_confrontation_(1833)">Negotiation and confrontation (1833)</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<p>In apparent contradiction of his previous claim that the tariff could be enforced with existing laws, on January 16 Jackson sent his Force Bill Message to Congress. Custom houses in <a href="/wiki/Beaufort,_South_Carolina" title="Beaufort, South Carolina">Beaufort</a> and <a href="/wiki/Georgetown,_South_Carolina" title="Georgetown, South Carolina">Georgetown</a> would be closed and replaced by ships at each port. In Charleston, the custom house would be moved to either <a href="/wiki/Castle_Pinckney" title="Castle Pinckney">Castle Pinckney</a> or <a href="/wiki/Fort_Moultrie" title="Fort Moultrie">Fort Moultrie</a> in Charleston Harbor. Direct payment rather than bonds would be required, and federal jails would be established for violators the state refused to arrest and all cases arising under the state's nullification act could be removed to the <a href="/wiki/United_States_Circuit_Court" class="mw-redirect" title="United States Circuit Court">United States Circuit Court</a>. In the most controversial part, the militia acts of 1795 and 1807 would be revised to permit the enforcement of the customs laws by both the militia and the regular United States military. Attempts were made in South Carolina to shift the debate away from nullification by focusing instead on the proposed enforcement.<sup id="cite_ref-76" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-76">[76]</a></sup>
</p><p>The Force bill went to the Senate Judiciary Committee, chaired by Pennsylvania protectionist <a href="/wiki/William_Wilkins_(U.S._politician)" class="mw-redirect" title="William Wilkins (U.S. politician)">William Wilkins</a> and supported by members Daniel Webster and <a href="/wiki/Theodore_Frelinghuysen" title="Theodore Frelinghuysen">Theodore Frelinghuysen</a> of New Jersey; it gave Jackson everything he asked. On January 28, the Senate defeated a motion by a vote of 30 to 15 to postpone debate on the bill. All but two of the votes to delay were from the lower South and only three from this section voted against the motion. This did not signal any increased support for nullification, but did signify doubts about enforcement. To draw more votes, proposals were made to limit the duration of the coercive powers and restrict the use of force to suppressing, rather than preventing, civil disorder. In the House, the Judiciary Committee voted 4–3 to reject Jackson's request to use force. By the time Calhoun made a major speech on February 15 strongly opposing it, the Force Bill was temporarily stalled.<sup id="cite_ref-77" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-77">[77]</a></sup>
</p><p>On the tariff issue, the drafting of a compromise tariff was assigned in December to the House Ways and Means Committee, now headed by <a href="/wiki/Gulian_Crommelin_Verplanck" class="mw-redirect" title="Gulian Crommelin Verplanck">Gulian C. Verplanck</a>. Debate on the committee's product on the House floor began in January 1833. The Verplanck tariff proposed reductions back to 1816 levels over the next two years while maintaining the basic principle of <a href="/wiki/Protectionism" title="Protectionism">protectionism</a>. The anti-Jackson protectionists saw this as an economic disaster that did not even allow the Tariff of 1832 to be tested and "an undignified truckling to the menaces and blustering of South Carolina." Northern Democrats did not oppose it in principle, but still demanded protection for the varying interests of their own constituents. Those sympathetic to the nullifiers wanted a specific abandonment of the principle of protectionism and were willing to offer a longer transition period as a bargaining point. The Verplanck tariff was clearly not going to be implemented.<sup id="cite_ref-78" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-78">[78]</a></sup>
</p><p>In South Carolina, efforts were being made to avoid an unnecessary confrontation. Governor Hayne ordered the 25,000 troops he had created to train at home rather than gather in Charleston. At a mass meeting in Charleston on January 21, they decided to postpone the February 1 deadline for implementing nullification, while Congress worked on a compromise tariff. At the same time, a commissioner from Virginia, <a href="/wiki/Benjamin_W._Leigh" title="Benjamin W. Leigh">Benjamin W. Leigh</a>, arrived in Charleston bearing resolutions that criticized both Jackson and the nullifiers and offering his state as a mediator.<sup id="cite_ref-79" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-79">[79]</a></sup>
</p><p>Clay had not taken his defeat in the presidential election well and was unsure what position he could take in the tariff negotiations. His long-term concern was that Jackson was determined to kill protectionism along with the American Plan. In February, after consulting with manufacturers and sugar interests in Louisiana, who favored protection for the sugar industry, Clay started to work on a specific compromise plan. As a starting point, he accepted the nullifiers' offer of a transition period, but extended it from seven and a half years to nine years with a final target of a 20% <i>ad valorem</i> rate. After first securing the support of his protectionist base, Clay, through an intermediary, broached the subject with Calhoun. Calhoun was receptive, and after a private meeting with Clay at Clay's boardinghouse, negotiations proceeded.<sup id="cite_ref-80" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-80">[80]</a></sup>
</p><p>Clay introduced the negotiated tariff bill on February 12, and it was immediately referred to a select committee consisting of Clay as chairman, <a href="/wiki/Felix_Grundy" title="Felix Grundy">Felix Grundy</a> of Tennessee, <a href="/wiki/George_M._Dallas" title="George M. Dallas">George M. Dallas</a> of Pennsylvania, <a href="/wiki/William_Cabell_Rives" title="William Cabell Rives">William Cabell Rives</a> of Virginia, Webster, <a href="/wiki/John_M._Clayton" title="John M. Clayton">John M. Clayton</a> of Delaware, and Calhoun. On February 21, the committee reported a bill to the floor of the Senate that was largely Clay's original bill. The Tariff of 1832 would continue except that reduction of all rates above 20% would be reduced by one tenth every two years, with the final reductions back to 20% coming in 1842. Protectionism as a principle was not abandoned and provisions were made for raising the tariff if national interests demanded it.<sup id="cite_ref-81" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-81">[81]</a></sup>
</p><p>Although not specifically linked by any negotiated agreement, it became clear that the Force Bill and <a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1833" title="Tariff of 1833">Compromise Tariff of 1833</a> were inexorably linked. In his February 25 speech ending the debate on the tariff, Clay captured the spirit of the voices for compromise by condemning Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina as inflammatory, admitting the same problem with the Force Bill, but indicating its necessity, and praising the Compromise Tariff as the final measure to restore balance, promote the rule of law, and avoid the "sacked cities", "desolated fields", and "smoking ruins" he said the failure to reach a final accord would produce. The House passed the Compromise Tariff, 119–85, and the Force Bill, 149–48. In the Senate, the tariff passed 29–16 and the Force bill 32–1, with many opponents of it walking out rather than voting.<sup id="cite_ref-82" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-82">[82]</a></sup>
</p><p>Calhoun rushed to Charleston with the news of the final compromises. The Nullification Convention met again on March 11. It repealed the November Nullification Ordinance and also, "in a purely symbolic gesture", nullified the Force Bill. While the nullifiers claimed victory on the tariff issue, even though they had made concessions, the verdict was very different on nullification. The majority had in the end ruled and this boded ill for the South and its minority's hold on slavery.<sup id="cite_ref-83" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-83">[83]</a></sup> Rhett summed this up at the convention on March 13. Warning that "A people, owning slaves, are mad, or worse than mad, who do not hold their destinies in their own hands," he continued:
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<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Every stride of this Government, over your rights, brings it nearer and nearer to your peculiar policy. ... The whole world are in arms against your institutions ... Let Gentlemen not be deceived. It is not the Tariff—not Internal Improvement—nor yet the Force bill, which constitutes the great evil against which we are contending. ... These are but the forms in which the despotic nature of the government is evinced—but it is the despotism which constitutes the evil: and until this Government is made a limited Government ... there is no liberty—no security for the South.<sup id="cite_ref-84" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-84">[84]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Aftermath">Aftermath</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<p>People reflected on the meaning of the nullification crisis and its outcome for the country. On May 1, 1833, Jackson predicted, "the tariff was only a pretext, and <a href="/wiki/Secession_in_the_United_States" title="Secession in the United States">disunion</a> and <a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_of_America" title="Confederate States of America">Southern confederacy</a> the real object. The next pretext will be the negro, or <a href="/wiki/History_of_slavery_in_the_United_States" class="mw-redirect" title="History of slavery in the United States">slavery</a> question."<sup id="cite_ref-85" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-85">[85]</a></sup>
</p><p>The final resolution of the crisis and Jackson's leadership had appeal throughout the North and South. <a href="/wiki/Robert_V._Remini" title="Robert V. Remini">Robert V. Remini</a>, the historian and Jackson biographer, described the opposition that nullification drew from traditionally states' rights Southern states:
</p>
<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>The Alabama legislature, for example, pronounced the doctrine "unsound in theory and dangerous in practice." Georgia said it was "mischievous", "rash and revolutionary". Mississippi lawmakers chided the South Carolinians for acting with "reckless precipitancy".<sup id="cite_ref-86" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-86">[86]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>The historian <a href="/wiki/Forrest_McDonald" title="Forrest McDonald">Forrest McDonald</a>, describing the split over nullification among proponents of states' rights, wrote, "The doctrine of states' rights, as embraced by most Americans, was not concerned exclusively, or even primarily, with state resistance to federal authority."<sup id="cite_ref-87" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-87">[87]</a></sup> But by the end of the nullification crisis, many Southerners questioned whether Jacksonian Democrats still represented Southern interests. The historian <a href="/wiki/William_J._Cooper_Jr." title="William J. Cooper Jr.">William J. Cooper Jr.</a> notes, "Numerous Southerners had begun to perceive it [the Jacksonian Democratic Party] as a spear aimed at the South rather than a shield defending the South."<sup id="cite_ref-Cooper_pp._53–65_88-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Cooper_pp._53–65-88">[88]</a></sup>
</p><p>In the political vacuum created by this alienation, the Southern wing of the <a href="/wiki/Whig_Party_(United_States)" title="Whig Party (United States)">Whig Party</a> was formed. The party was a coalition of interests united by the common thread of opposition to Jackson, and more specifically to his "definition of <a href="/wiki/Federal_power" class="mw-redirect" title="Federal power">federal</a> and executive power." The party included former National Republicans with an "urban, commercial, and nationalist outlook", as well as former nullifiers. Emphasizing that "they were more southern than the Democrats," the party grew within the South by going "after the abolition issue with unabashed vigor and glee." With both parties arguing who could best defend Southern institutions, the nuances of the differences between <a href="/wiki/Free_soil" class="mw-redirect" title="Free soil">free soil</a> and <a href="/wiki/Abolitionism_in_the_United_States" title="Abolitionism in the United States">abolitionism</a>, which became an issue in the late 1840s with the <a href="/wiki/Mexican%E2%80%93American_War" title="Mexican–American War">Mexican War</a> and territorial expansion, never became part of the political dialogue. This failure increased the slavery issue's volatility.<sup id="cite_ref-Cooper_pp._53–65_88-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Cooper_pp._53–65-88">[88]</a></sup>
</p><p>Richard Ellis argues that the end of the crisis signified the beginning of a new era. Within the states' rights movement, the traditional desire for "a weak, inactive, and frugal government" was challenged. Ellis writes, "in the years leading up to the Civil War the nullifiers and their proslavery allies used the doctrine of states' rights and state sovereignty in such a way as to try to expand the powers of the federal government so that it could more effectively protect the peculiar institution." By the 1850s, states' rights had become a call for state equality under the Constitution.<sup id="cite_ref-89" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-89">[89]</a></sup>
</p><p>Madison reacted to this incipient tendency by writing two paragraphs of "Advice to My Country", found among his papers. It said that the Union "should be cherished and perpetuated. Let the open enemy to it be regarded as a Pandora with her <a href="/wiki/Pandora%27s_box" title="Pandora's box">box</a> opened; and the disguised one, as the Serpent creeping with his deadly wiles into paradise." <a href="/wiki/Richard_Rush" title="Richard Rush">Richard Rush</a> published this "Advice" in 1850, by which time Southern spirit was so high that it was denounced as a forgery.<sup id="cite_ref-90" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-90">[90]</a></sup>
</p><p>The first test for the South over slavery began during the final congressional session of 1835. In what became known as the <a href="/wiki/Gag_Rule" class="mw-redirect" title="Gag Rule">Gag Rule</a> Debates, abolitionists flooded Congress with petitions to end <a href="/wiki/Slavery_in_the_District_of_Columbia" title="Slavery in the District of Columbia">slavery in the District of Columbia</a>, where states' rights was not an issue. The debate was reopened each session as Southerners, led by South Carolinians Henry Pinckney and John Hammond, prevented the petitions from even being officially received by Congress. Led by John Quincy Adams, the slavery debate remained on the national stage until late 1844, when Congress lifted all restrictions on processing the petitions.<sup id="cite_ref-91" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-91">[91]</a></sup>
</p><p>Describing the legacy of the crisis, Sean Wilentz writes:
</p>
<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>The battle between Jacksonian democratic nationalists, northern and southern, and nullifier sectionalists would resound through the politics of slavery and antislavery for decades to come. Jackson's victory, ironically, would help accelerate the emergence of southern pro-slavery as a coherent and articulate political force, which would help solidify northern antislavery opinion, inside as well as outside Jackson's party. Those developments would accelerate the emergence of two fundamentally incompatible democracies, one in the slave South, the other in the free North.<sup id="cite_ref-Wilentz_pg._388_9-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-Wilentz_pg._388-9">[9]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<p>For South Carolina, the legacy of the crisis involved both the divisions within the state during the crisis and the apparent isolation of the state as the crisis was resolved. By 1860, when it became the first state to secede, it was more internally united than any other Southern state. Historian Charles Edward Cauthen writes:
</p>
<link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1211633275"><blockquote class="templatequote"><p>Probably to a greater extent than in any other Southern state South Carolina had been prepared by her leaders over a period of thirty years for the issues of 1860. Indoctrination in the principles of state sovereignty, education in the necessity of maintaining Southern institutions, warnings of the dangers of control of the federal government by a section hostile to its interests—in a word, the education of the masses in the principles and necessity of secession under certain circumstances—had been carried on with a skill and success hardly inferior to the masterly propaganda of the abolitionists themselves. It was this education, this propaganda, by South Carolina leaders which made secession the almost spontaneous movement that it was.<sup id="cite_ref-92" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-92">[92]</a></sup></p></blockquote>
<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="See_also">See also</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Origins_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Origins of the American Civil War">Origins of the American Civil War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/American_School_(economics)" title="American School (economics)">American School (economics)</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Friedrich_List" title="Friedrich List">Friedrich List</a></li></ul>
<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="References">References</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1217336898">.mw-parser-output .reflist{font-size:90%;margin-bottom:0.5em;list-style-type:decimal}.mw-parser-output .reflist .references{font-size:100%;margin-bottom:0;list-style-type:inherit}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns-2{column-width:30em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns-3{column-width:25em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns{margin-top:0.3em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns ol{margin-top:0}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns li{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column}.mw-parser-output .reflist-upper-alpha{list-style-type:upper-alpha}.mw-parser-output .reflist-upper-roman{list-style-type:upper-roman}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-alpha{list-style-type:lower-alpha}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-greek{list-style-type:lower-greek}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-roman{list-style-type:lower-roman}</style><div class="reflist reflist-columns references-column-width reflist-columns-2">
<ol class="references">
<li id="cite_note-1"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-1">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">See <i><a href="/wiki/Cooper_v._Aaron" title="Cooper v. Aaron">Cooper v. Aaron</a></i>, 358 U.S. 1 (1958), <i><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/364/500/case.html">Bush v. Orleans Parish School Board</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20160807144400/http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/364/500/case.html">Archived</a> August 7, 2016, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a></i>, 364 U.S. 500 (1960), <i><a href="/wiki/Ableman_v._Booth" title="Ableman v. Booth">Ableman v. Booth</a></i>, 62 U.S. 506 (1859), and <i><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/9/115/case.html">United States v. Peters</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20170712132940/http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/9/115/case.html">Archived</a> July 12, 2017, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a></i>, 9 U.S. (5 Cranch) 115 (1809).</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-2"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-2">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">"[S]tates throughout U.S. history have attempted to use variations of the nullification doctrine to invalidate national law. However, every attempt by states to nullify federal law was clearly rejected by not only the federal government but also by other states." Card, Ryan, <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2558&context=lawreview">"Can States 'Just Say No' to Federal Health Care Reform? The Constitutional and Political Implications of State Attempts to Nullify Federal Law", 2010 B.Y.U. Law Review 1795, 1808 (2010)</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150118013523/http://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2558&context=lawreview">Archived</a> January 18, 2015, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a>.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-3"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-3">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v2, pp. 136–137. Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 143.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-4">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Craven, p. 65. Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 143.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-5"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-5">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Niven p. 192. Calhoun replaced Robert Y. Hayne as senator so that Hayne could follow James Hamilton as governor. Niven writes, "There is no doubt that these moves were part of a well-thought-out plan whereby Hayne would restrain the hotheads in the state legislature and Calhoun would defend his brainchild, nullification, in Washington against administration stalwarts and the likes of Daniel Webster, the new apostle of northern nationalism."</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-6"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-6">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Howe p. 410. In the Senate, only Virginia and South Carolina voted against the 1832 tariff. Howe writes, "Most southerners saw the measure as a significant amelioration of their grievance and were now content to back Jackson for reelection rather than pursue the more drastic remedy such as the one South Carolina was touting."</span>
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<li id="cite_note-7"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-7">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1215172403">.mw-parser-output cite.citation{font-style:inherit;word-wrap:break-word}.mw-parser-output .citation q{quotes:"\"""\"""'""'"}.mw-parser-output .citation:target{background-color:rgba(0,127,255,0.133)}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-free.id-lock-free a{background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/65/Lock-green.svg")right 0.1em center/9px no-repeat}body:not(.skin-timeless):not(.skin-minerva) .mw-parser-output .id-lock-free a{background-size:contain}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-limited.id-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .id-lock-registration.id-lock-registration a{background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg")right 0.1em center/9px no-repeat}body:not(.skin-timeless):not(.skin-minerva) .mw-parser-output .id-lock-limited a,body:not(.skin-timeless):not(.skin-minerva) .mw-parser-output .id-lock-registration a{background-size:contain}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-subscription.id-lock-subscription a{background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg")right 0.1em center/9px no-repeat}body:not(.skin-timeless):not(.skin-minerva) .mw-parser-output .id-lock-subscription a{background-size:contain}.mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a{background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg")right 0.1em center/12px no-repeat}body:not(.skin-timeless):not(.skin-minerva) .mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a{background-size:contain}.mw-parser-output .cs1-code{color:inherit;background:inherit;border:none;padding:inherit}.mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error{display:none;color:#d33}.mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error{color:#d33}.mw-parser-output .cs1-maint{display:none;color:#2C882D;margin-left:0.3em}.mw-parser-output .cs1-format{font-size:95%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left{padding-left:0.2em}.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right{padding-right:0.2em}.mw-parser-output .citation .mw-selflink{font-weight:inherit}html.skin-theme-clientpref-night .mw-parser-output .cs1-maint{color:#18911F}html.skin-theme-clientpref-night .mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error,html.skin-theme-clientpref-night .mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error{color:#f8a397}@media(prefers-color-scheme:dark){html.skin-theme-clientpref-os .mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error,html.skin-theme-clientpref-os .mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error{color:#f8a397}html.skin-theme-clientpref-os .mw-parser-output .cs1-maint{color:#18911F}}</style><cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://historyengine.richmond.edu/episodes/view/300">"South Carolina Legislature Passes the Ordinance of Nullification"</a>. <i>History Engine</i>. <a href="/wiki/University_of_Richmond" title="University of Richmond">University of Richmond</a>. <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20200213024052/https://historyengine.richmond.edu/episodes/view/300">Archived</a> from the original on February 13, 2020<span class="reference-accessdate">. Retrieved <span class="nowrap">November 21,</span> 2019</span>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&rft.genre=unknown&rft.jtitle=History+Engine&rft.atitle=South+Carolina+Legislature+Passes+the+Ordinance+of+Nullification&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fhistoryengine.richmond.edu%2Fepisodes%2Fview%2F300&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></span>
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<li id="cite_note-8"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-8">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i> pp. 1–3. Freehling writes, "In Charleston Governor Robert Y. Hayne ... tried to form an army which could hope to challenge the forces of 'Old Hickory'. Hayne recruited a brigade of mounted minutemen, 2,000 strong, which could swoop down on Charleston the moment fighting broke out, and a volunteer army of 25,000 men, which could march on foot to save the beleaguered city. In the North, Governor Hayne's agents bought over $100,000 worth of arms; in Charleston, Hamilton readied his volunteers for an assault on the federal forts."</span>
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<li id="cite_note-Wilentz_pg._388-9"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="#cite_ref-Wilentz_pg._388_9-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Wilentz_pg._388_9-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text">Wilentz, p. 388.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-10"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-10">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 4.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-11"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-11">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">McDonald p. vii. McDonald wrote, "Of all the problems that beset the United States during the century from the Declaration of Independence to the end of Reconstruction, the most pervasive concerned disagreements about the nature of the Union and the line to be drawn between the authority of the general government and that of the several states. At times the issue bubbled silently and unseen between the surface of public consciousness; at times it exploded: now and again the balance between general and local authority seemed to be settled in one direction or another, only to be upset anew and to move back toward the opposite position, but the contention never went away."</span>
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<li id="cite_note-12"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-12">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis pp. 1–2.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-13"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-13">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">For full text of the resolutions, see <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Kentucky_Resolutions_of_1798" class="extiw" title="s:Kentucky Resolutions of 1798">Kentucky Resolutions of 1798</a> and <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Kentucky_Resolutions_of_1799" class="extiw" title="s:Kentucky Resolutions of 1799">Kentucky Resolutions of 1799</a>.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-14"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-14">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">James Madison, <a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Virginia_Resolutions_of_1798" class="extiw" title="s:Virginia Resolutions of 1798">Virginia Resolutions of 1798</a></span>
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<li id="cite_note-15"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-15">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Banning p. 388.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-16"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-16">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant, pp. 297, 629.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-17"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-17">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant, p. 298.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-18"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-18">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant, p. 629.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-19"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-19">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ketcham p. 396.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-20"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-20">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Wilentz, p. 80.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-21"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-21">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 5. Madison called for the constitutional amendment because he believed much of the <a href="/wiki/American_System_(economic_plan)" title="American System (economic plan)">American System</a> was unconstitutional. Historian Richard Buel Jr. notes that in preparing for the worst from the <a href="/wiki/Hartford_Convention" title="Hartford Convention">Hartford Convention</a>, the Madison administration made preparation to intervene militarily in case of New England secession. Troops from the Canada–US border were moved near Albany so that they could move into either Massachusetts or Connecticut if necessary. <a href="/wiki/New_England" title="New England">New England</a> troops were also returned to their recruitment areas in order to serve as a focus for loyalists. Buel, pp. 220–221.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-22"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-22">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">McDonald, pp. 69–70.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-23"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-23">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Wilentz p. 166.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-24"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-24">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Wilentz, p. 181.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-25"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-25">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 6. Wilentz, p. 182.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-26"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-26">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 92–93.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-27"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-27">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Wilentz p. 243. Economic historian <a href="/wiki/Frank_Taussig" class="mw-redirect" title="Frank Taussig">Frank Taussig</a> notes "The act of 1816, which is generally said to mark the beginning of a distinctly protective policy in this country, belongs rather to the earlier series of acts, beginning with that of 1789, than to the group of acts of 1824, 1828, and 1832. Its highest permanent rate of duty was twenty per cent., an increase over the previous rates, which is chiefly accounted for by the heavy interest charge on the debt incurred during the war. But after the crash of 1819, a movement in favor of protection set in, which was backed by a strong popular feeling such as had been absent in the earlier years." <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136">The Tariff History of the United States (Part I)</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20071021182532/http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1136">Archived</a> October 21, 2007, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a> <i>Teaching American History</i></span>
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<li id="cite_note-28"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-28">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Henry Clay</i>, p. 232. Freehling, <i>The Road to Disunion</i>, p. 257.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-29"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-29">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">McDonald, p. 95.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-30"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-30">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant, p. 622.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-31"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-31">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v2, pp. 136–137. McDonald presents a slightly different rationale. He stated that the bill would "adversely affect New England woolen manufacturers, ship builders, and shipowners" and Van Buren calculated that New England and the South would unite to defeat the bill, allowing Jacksonians to have it both ways—in the North they could claim they tried but failed to pass a needed tariff and in the South they could claim that they had thwarted an effort to increase import duties. McDonald, pp. 94–95.</span>
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<li id="cite_note-32"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-32">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Cooper, pp. 11–12.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-33"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-33">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>The Road to Disunion</i>, p. 255. Historian <a href="/wiki/Avery_Craven" title="Avery Craven">Avery Craven</a> wrote, "Historians have generally ignored the fact that the South Carolina statesmen, in the so-called Nullification controversy, were struggling against a practical situation. They have conjured up a great struggle between nationalism and States" rights and described these men as theorists reveling in constitutional refinements for the mere sake of logic. Yet here was a clear case of commercial and agricultural depression. Craven, p. 60.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-34"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-34">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 7. Freehling notes that divisions over nullification in the state generally corresponded to the extent that the section suffered economically. The exception was the "Low country rice and luxury cotton planters" who supported nullification despite their ability to survive the economic depression. This section had the highest percentage of slave population. Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 25.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-35"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-35">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Cauthen p. 1.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-36"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-36">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 7. Freehling, <i>Road to Disunion</i>, p. 256.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-horne-37"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-horne_37-0">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Gerald Horne, <i>Negro Comrades of the Crown: African Americans and the British Empire Fight the U.S. Before Emancipation</i>, New York University (NYU) Press, 2012, <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=XTLFKrmJPgcC&pg=PA97">pp. 97–98</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20230418184529/https://books.google.com/books?id=XTLFKrmJPgcC&pg=PA97">Archived</a> April 18, 2023, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a></span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-38"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-38">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Road to Disunion</i>, p. 254.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-39"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-39">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Craven, p. 65.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-40"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-40">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Niven, pp. 135–137. Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 143.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-41"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-41">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/South_Carolina_Exposition_and_Protest" class="extiw" title="s:South Carolina Exposition and Protest">South Carolina Exposition and Protest</a></span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-42"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-42">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Niven, pp. 158–162.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-43"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-43">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Niven, p. 161.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-44"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-44">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Niven, pp. 163–164.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-45"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-45">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Walther, p. 123. Craven, pp. 63–64.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-46"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-46">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 149.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-47"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-47">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 152–155, 173–175. A two-thirds vote of each house of the legislature was required to convene a state convention.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-48"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-48">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 177–186.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-49"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-49">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 205–213.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-50"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-50">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 213–218.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-51"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-51">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Peterson, pp. 189–192. Niven, pp. 174–181. Calhoun wrote of McDuffie's speech, "I think it every way imprudent and have so written Hamilton ... I see clearly it brings matters to a crisis, and that I must meet it promptly and manfully." Freehling in his works frequently refers to the radicals as "Calhounites" even before 1831. This is because the radicals, rallying around Calhoun's "Exposition," were linked ideologically, if not yet practically, with Calhoun.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-52"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-52">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Niven, pp. 181–184.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-53"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-53">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis p. 193. Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 257.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-54"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-54">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, pp. 224–239.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-55"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-55">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 252–260.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-56"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-56">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 1–3.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-57"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-57">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, pp. 97–98.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-58"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-58">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 3, p. 14.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-59"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-59">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, pp. 41–43.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-60"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-60">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 9.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-61"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-61">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis p. 9.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-62"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-62">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant, p. 627.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-63"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-63">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis p. 10. Ellis wrote, "But the nullifiers' attempt to legitimize their controversial doctrine by claiming it was a logical extension of the principles embodied in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions upset him. In a private letter he deliberately wrote for publication, Madison denied many of the assertions of the nullifiers and lashed out in particular at South Carolina's claim that if a state nullified an act of the federal government it could only be overruled by an amendment to the Constitution." Full text of the letter is available at <a rel="nofollow" class="external free" href="http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm">http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20071010052250/http://www.constitution.org/jm/18300828_everett.htm">Archived</a> October 10, 2007, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a>.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-64"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-64">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant, pp. 626–627. Webster never asserted the consolidating position again.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-65"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-65">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">McDonald, pp. 105–106.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-66"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-66">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 2, pp. 233–235.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-67"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-67">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson',' v. 2, pp. 233–237.</i></span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-68"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-68">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 2, pp. 255–256. Peterson, pp. 196–197.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-69"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-69">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 2, pp. 343–348.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-70"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-70">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 2 pp. 347–355.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-71"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-71">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 2 pp. 358–373. Peterson, pp. 203–212.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-72"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-72">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 2, pp. 382–389.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-73"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-73">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis p. 82.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-74"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-74">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, <i>Andrew Jackson</i>, v. 3 pp. 9–11. Full text of his message available at <a rel="nofollow" class="external free" href="http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html">http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20070713054535/http://www.thisnation.com/library/sotu/1832aj.html">Archived</a> July 13, 2007, at the <a href="/wiki/Wayback_Machine" title="Wayback Machine">Wayback Machine</a></span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-75"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-75">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis pg 83–84. Full document available at: <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20060824095525/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm">"The Avalon Project : President Jackson's Proclamation Regarding Nullification, December 10, 1832"</a>. Archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/proclamations/jack01.htm">the original</a> on August 24, 2006<span class="reference-accessdate">. Retrieved <span class="nowrap">August 10,</span> 2006</span>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=unknown&rft.btitle=The+Avalon+Project+%3A+President+Jackson%27s+Proclamation+Regarding+Nullification%2C+December+10%2C+1832&rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.yale.edu%2Flawweb%2Favalon%2Fpresiden%2Fproclamations%2Fjack01.htm&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-76"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-76">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, po. 93–95.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-77"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-77">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, pp. 160–165. Peterson, pp. 222–224. Peterson differs with Ellis in arguing that passage of the Force Bill "was never in doubt."</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-78"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-78">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, pp. 99–100. Peterson, p. 217.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-79"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-79">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Wilentz, pp. 384–385.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-80"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-80">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Peterson, pp. 217–226.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-81"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-81">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Peterson, pp. 226–228.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-82"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-82">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Peterson pp. 229–232.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-83"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-83">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 295–297.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-84"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-84">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, p. 297. Willentz p. 388.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-85"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-85">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a href="/wiki/Jon_Meacham" title="Jon Meacham">Jon Meacham</a> (2009), <i><a href="/wiki/American_Lion_(book)" title="American Lion (book)">American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House</a></i>, New York: Random House, p. 247; <i>Correspondence of Andrew Jackson</i>, Vol. V, p. 72.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-86"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-86">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Remini, Andrew Jackson, v3. p. 42.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-87"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-87">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">McDonald, p. 110.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-Cooper_pp._53–65-88"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="#cite_ref-Cooper_pp._53–65_88-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-Cooper_pp._53–65_88-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text">Cooper, pp. 53–65.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-89"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-89">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ellis, p. 198.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-90"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-90">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Brant p. 646; Rush produced a copy in Mrs. Madison's hand; the original also survives. The contemporary letter to <a href="/wiki/Edward_Coles" title="Edward Coles">Edward Coles</a> (Brant, p. 639) makes plain that the enemy in question is the nullifier.</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-91"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-91">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Freehling, <i>Prelude to Civil War</i>, pp. 346–356. McDonald (pp. 121–122) saw states' rights in the period from 1833–1847 as almost totally successful in creating a "virtually nonfunctional" federal government. This did not insure political harmony, as "the national political arena became the center of heated controversy concerning the newly raised issue of slavery, a controversy that reached the flash point during the debates about the annexation of the Republic of Texas."</span>
</li>
<li id="cite_note-92"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-92">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Cauthen, p. 32.</span>
</li>
</ol></div>
<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Sources">Sources</span><span class="mw-editsection">
<a role="button"
href="/w/index.php?title=Nullification_crisis&action=edit&section=10"title="Edit section: Sources"
class="cdx-button cdx-button--size-large cdx-button--fake-button cdx-button--fake-button--enabled cdx-button--icon-only cdx-button--weight-quiet ">
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<span>edit</span>
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</h2>
<ul><li>Brant, Irving: <i>The Fourth President: A Life of James Madison</i> Bobbs Merrill, 1970.<sup class="noprint Inline-Template" style="white-space:nowrap;">[<i><a href="/wiki/Wikipedia:Citing_sources" title="Wikipedia:Citing sources"><span title="Please supply an ISBN for this book.">ISBN missing</span></a></i>]</sup></li>
<li>Buel, Richard Jr. <i>America on the Brink: How the Political Struggle Over the War of 1812 Almost Destroyed the Young Republic</i> (2005) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/1-4039-6238-3" title="Special:BookSources/1-4039-6238-3">1-4039-6238-3</a></li>
<li>Cauthen, Charles Edward. <i>South Carolina Goes to War</i> (1950) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/1-57003-560-1" title="Special:BookSources/1-57003-560-1">1-57003-560-1</a></li>
<li>Cooper, William J. Jr. <i>The South and the Politics of Slavery 1828–1856</i> (1978) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8071-0385-3" title="Special:BookSources/0-8071-0385-3">0-8071-0385-3</a></li>
<li>Craven, Avery. <i>The Coming of the Civil War</i> (1942) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-226-11894-0" title="Special:BookSources/0-226-11894-0">0-226-11894-0</a></li>
<li>Ellis, Richard E. <i>The Union at Risk: Jacksonian Democracy, States' Rights, and the Nullification Crisis</i> (1987)</li>
<li>Freehling, William W. <i>The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776–1854</i> (1991), Vol. 1</li>
<li>Freehling, William W. <i>Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816–1836</i> (1965) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-19-507681-8" title="Special:BookSources/0-19-507681-8">0-19-507681-8</a></li>
<li>Howe, Daniel Walker. <i>What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848</i>. (2007) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-19-507894-7" title="Special:BookSources/978-0-19-507894-7">978-0-19-507894-7</a></li>
<li>McDonald, Forrest. <i>States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio 1776–1876</i> (2000) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-7006-1040-5" title="Special:BookSources/0-7006-1040-5">0-7006-1040-5</a></li>
<li>Meacham, Jon. <i> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.org/details/americanlion00jonm">American lion : Andrew Jackson in the White House</a> online]</i></li>
<li>Niven, John. <i>John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union</i> (1988) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8071-1451-0" title="Special:BookSources/0-8071-1451-0">0-8071-1451-0</a></li>
<li>Peterson, Merrill D. <i>The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun</i> (1987) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-19-503877-0" title="Special:BookSources/0-19-503877-0">0-19-503877-0</a></li>
<li>Remini, Robert V. <i>Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822–1832, v2</i> (1981) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-06-014844-6" title="Special:BookSources/0-06-014844-6">0-06-014844-6</a></li>
<li>Remini, Robert V. <i>Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833–1845, v3</i> (1984) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-06-015279-6" title="Special:BookSources/0-06-015279-6">0-06-015279-6</a></li>
<li>Remini, Robert V. <i>Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union</i> (1991) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-393-31088-4" title="Special:BookSources/0-393-31088-4">0-393-31088-4</a></li>
<li>Tuttle, Charles A. (Court Reporter) <i>California Digest: A Digest of the Reports of the Supreme Court of California, Volume 26</i> (1906)</li>
<li>Walther, Eric C. <i>The Fire-Eaters</i> (1992) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8071-1731-5" title="Special:BookSources/0-8071-1731-5">0-8071-1731-5</a></li>
<li>Wilentz, Sean. <i>The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln</i> (2005) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-393-05820-4" title="Special:BookSources/0-393-05820-4">0-393-05820-4</a></li>
<li>Woods, Thomas E. Jr. <i>Nullification</i> (2010) <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-1-59698-149-2" title="Special:BookSources/978-1-59698-149-2">978-1-59698-149-2</a></li></ul>
<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Further_reading">Further reading</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<ul><li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFBarnwell1982" class="citation book cs1">Barnwell, John (1982). <span class="id-lock-registration" title="Free registration required"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.org/details/loveofordersouth0000barn"><i>Love of Order: South Carolina's First Secession Crisis</i></a></span>. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-8078-1498-9" title="Special:BookSources/0-8078-1498-9"><bdi>0-8078-1498-9</bdi></a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=Love+of+Order%3A+South+Carolina%27s+First+Secession+Crisis&rft.place=Chapel+Hill&rft.pub=University+of+North+Carolina+Press&rft.date=1982&rft.isbn=0-8078-1498-9&rft.aulast=Barnwell&rft.aufirst=John&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Farchive.org%2Fdetails%2Floveofordersouth0000barn&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFCapers1960" class="citation book cs1">Capers, Gerald M. (1960). <span class="id-lock-registration" title="Free registration required"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.org/details/johnccalhounoppo0000cape"><i>John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal</i></a></span>. Gainesville: University of Florida Press.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=John+C.+Calhoun%2C+Opportunist%3A+A+Reappraisal&rft.place=Gainesville&rft.pub=University+of+Florida+Press&rft.date=1960&rft.aulast=Capers&rft.aufirst=Gerald+M.&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Farchive.org%2Fdetails%2Fjohnccalhounoppo0000cape&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFCoit1950" class="citation book cs1">Coit, Margaret L. (1950). <i>John C. Calhoun: American Portrait</i>. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=John+C.+Calhoun%3A+American+Portrait&rft.place=Boston&rft.pub=Houghton+Mifflin+Co.&rft.date=1950&rft.aulast=Coit&rft.aufirst=Margaret+L.&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFHouston1896" class="citation book cs1">Houston, David Franklin (1896). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=-XssAAAAIAAJ"><i>A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina</i></a>. Longmans, Green, and Co. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780722245958" title="Special:BookSources/9780722245958"><bdi>9780722245958</bdi></a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=A+Critical+Study+of+Nullification+in+South+Carolina&rft.pub=Longmans%2C+Green%2C+and+Co.&rft.date=1896&rft.isbn=9780722245958&rft.aulast=Houston&rft.aufirst=David+Franklin&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fbooks.google.com%2Fbooks%3Fid%3D-XssAAAAIAAJ&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFLatner1977" class="citation journal cs1">Latner, Richard B. (1977). "The Nullification Crisis and Republican Subversion". <i>Journal of Southern History</i>. <b>43</b> (1): 18–38. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2207553">10.2307/2207553</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="JSTOR (identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2207553">2207553</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=Journal+of+Southern+History&rft.atitle=The+Nullification+Crisis+and+Republican+Subversion&rft.volume=43&rft.issue=1&rft.pages=18-38&rft.date=1977&rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.2307%2F2207553&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fstable%2F2207553%23id-name%3DJSTOR&rft.aulast=Latner&rft.aufirst=Richard+B.&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFMcCurry1995" class="citation book cs1">McCurry, Stephanie (1995). <i>Masters of Small Worlds: Yeoman Households, Gender Relations and the Political Culture of the Antebellum South Carolina Low Country</i>. New York: Oxford University Press. <a href="/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <a href="/wiki/Special:BookSources/0-19-507236-7" title="Special:BookSources/0-19-507236-7"><bdi>0-19-507236-7</bdi></a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=Masters+of+Small+Worlds%3A+Yeoman+Households%2C+Gender+Relations+and+the+Political+Culture+of+the+Antebellum+South+Carolina+Low+Country&rft.place=New+York&rft.pub=Oxford+University+Press&rft.date=1995&rft.isbn=0-19-507236-7&rft.aulast=McCurry&rft.aufirst=Stephanie&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFPeasePease1981" class="citation journal cs1">Pease, Jane H.; Pease, William H. (1981). "The Economics and Politics of Charleston's Nullification Crisis". <i>Journal of Southern History</i>. <b>47</b> (3): 335–362. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2207798">10.2307/2207798</a>. <a href="/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="JSTOR (identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2207798">2207798</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=Journal+of+Southern+History&rft.atitle=The+Economics+and+Politics+of+Charleston%27s+Nullification+Crisis&rft.volume=47&rft.issue=3&rft.pages=335-362&rft.date=1981&rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.2307%2F2207798&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fstable%2F2207798%23id-name%3DJSTOR&rft.aulast=Pease&rft.aufirst=Jane+H.&rft.au=Pease%2C+William+H.&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFRatcliffe2000" class="citation journal cs1">Ratcliffe, Donald (2000). "The Nullification Crisis, Southern Discontents, and the American Political Process". <i>American Nineteenth Century History</i>. <b>1</b> (2): 1–30. <a href="/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F14664650008567014">10.1080/14664650008567014</a>. <a href="/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="S2CID (identifier)">S2CID</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144242176">144242176</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&rft.genre=article&rft.jtitle=American+Nineteenth+Century+History&rft.atitle=The+Nullification+Crisis%2C+Southern+Discontents%2C+and+the+American+Political+Process&rft.volume=1&rft.issue=2&rft.pages=1-30&rft.date=2000&rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.1080%2F14664650008567014&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fapi.semanticscholar.org%2FCorpusID%3A144242176%23id-name%3DS2CID&rft.aulast=Ratcliffe&rft.aufirst=Donald&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li>
<li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1215172403"><cite id="CITEREFWiltse1949" class="citation book cs1">Wiltse, Charles (1949). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.155768"><i>John C. Calhoun, Nullifier, 1829–1839</i></a>. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=John+C.+Calhoun%2C+Nullifier%2C+1829%E2%80%931839&rft.place=Indianapolis&rft.pub=Bobbs-Merrill&rft.date=1949&rft.aulast=Wiltse&rft.aufirst=Charles&rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Farchive.org%2Fdetails%2Fin.ernet.dli.2015.155768&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ANullification+crisis" class="Z3988"></span></li></ul>
<h2><span class="mw-headline" id="External_links">External links</span><span class="mw-editsection">
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<ul><li><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/South_Carolina_Exposition_and_Protest" class="extiw" title="s:South Carolina Exposition and Protest">South Carolina Exposition and Protest</a>, by Calhoun, 1828.</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Fort_Hill_Address" class="extiw" title="s:Fort Hill Address">The Fort Hill Address: On the Relations of the States and the Federal Government</a>, by Calhoun, July 1831.</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Ordinance_of_Nullification" class="extiw" title="s:Ordinance of Nullification">South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification</a>, November 24, 1832.
<ul><li><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Proclamation_43" class="extiw" title="s:Proclamation 43">President Jackson's Proclamation to South Carolina</a>, December 10, 1832.
<ul><li><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/An_Exposition_of_the_Virginia_Resolutions_of_1798" class="extiw" title="s:An Exposition of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798">An Exposition of the Virginia Resolutions of 1798</a>, by <a href="/wiki/Abel_P._Upshur" title="Abel P. Upshur">Abel P. Upshur</a>, defending nullification and South Carolina.</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/A_Review_of_the_Proclamation_of_President_Jackson" class="extiw" title="s:A Review of the Proclamation of President Jackson">A Review of the Proclamation of President Jackson</a>, by <a href="/wiki/Littleton_Waller_Tazewell" title="Littleton Waller Tazewell">Littleton Waller Tazewell</a>.</li></ul></li></ul></li>
<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/Nullification.html">Primary Documents in American History: Nullification Proclamation</a> (Library of Congress)</li>
<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20070219200227/http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/presiden/messages/ajack001.htm">President Jackson's Message to the Senate and House Regarding South Carolina's Nullification Ordinance</a>, January 16, 1833</li>
<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.campaignforliberty.com/article.php?view=57">Nullification Revisited: An article examining the constitutionality of nullification</a> (from a favorable aspect, and with regard to both recent and historical events).</li>
<li><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://edsitement.neh.gov/lesson-plan/early-threat-secession-missouri-compromise-1820-and-nullification-crisis">Early Threat of Secession: Missouri Compromise of 1820 and Nullification Crisis</a></li></ul>
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<li><a href="/wiki/Coffin_Handbills" title="Coffin Handbills">Coffin Handbills</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jacksonian_democracy" title="Jacksonian democracy">Jacksonian democracy</a></li></ul>
</div></td><td class="noviewer navbox-image" rowspan="4" style="width:1px;padding:0 0 0 2px"><div><span typeof="mw:File"><a href="/wiki/File:Andrew_jackson_head.jpg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/Andrew_jackson_head.jpg/100px-Andrew_jackson_head.jpg" decoding="async" width="100" height="121" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/Andrew_jackson_head.jpg/150px-Andrew_jackson_head.jpg 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/43/Andrew_jackson_head.jpg/200px-Andrew_jackson_head.jpg 2x" data-file-width="2472" data-file-height="3000" /></a></span><br /><br /><span typeof="mw:File"><a href="/wiki/File:Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg" class="mw-file-description"><img src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/36/Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg/100px-Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg.png" decoding="async" width="100" height="100" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/36/Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg/150px-Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg.png 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/3/36/Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg/200px-Seal_of_the_President_of_the_United_States.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="2424" data-file-height="2425" /></a></span></div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:1%"><a href="/wiki/Presidency_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Presidency of Andrew Jackson">Presidency</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even hlist" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/First_inauguration_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="First inauguration of Andrew Jackson">First inauguration of Andrew Jackson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tenure_of_Office_Act_(1820)" title="Tenure of Office Act (1820)">Tenure of Office Act (1820)</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Spoils_system" title="Spoils system">Spoils system</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Petticoat_affair" title="Petticoat affair">Petticoat affair</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kitchen_Cabinet" title="Kitchen Cabinet">Kitchen Cabinet</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Indian_removal" title="Indian removal">Indian removal</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Indian_Removal_Act" title="Indian Removal Act">Indian Removal Act</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Trail_of_Tears" title="Trail of Tears">Trail of Tears</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Treaty_of_Dancing_Rabbit_Creek" title="Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek">Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bank_War" title="Bank War">Bank War</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Censure_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Censure of Andrew Jackson">Senate censure</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Banking_in_the_Jacksonian_Era" title="Banking in the Jacksonian Era">Banking in the Jacksonian Era</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Hard_money_(policy)" title="Hard money (policy)">Hard money</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Specie_Circular" title="Specie Circular">Specie Circular</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1829_State_of_the_Union_Address" title="1829 State of the Union Address">1829 State of the Union Address</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1830_State_of_the_Union_Address" title="1830 State of the Union Address">1830 State of the Union Address</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1832_United_States_presidential_election" title="1832 United States presidential election">1832 United States presidential election</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1832_Democratic_National_Convention" title="1832 Democratic National Convention">1832 Democratic National Convention</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Maysville_Road_veto" title="Maysville Road veto">Maysville Road veto</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Second_inauguration_of_Andrew_Jackson" title="Second inauguration of Andrew Jackson">Second inauguration of Andrew Jackson</a></li>
<li><a class="mw-selflink selflink">Nullification crisis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1832" title="Tariff of 1832">Tariff of 1832</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ordinance_of_Nullification" title="Ordinance of Nullification">Ordinance of Nullification</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Force_Bill" title="Force Bill">Force Bill</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tariff_of_1833" title="Tariff of 1833">Tariff of 1833</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Pet_banks" title="Pet banks">Pet banks</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Panic_of_1837" title="Panic of 1837">Panic of 1837</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_federal_judges_appointed_by_Andrew_Jackson" title="List of federal judges appointed by Andrew Jackson">List of federal judges appointed by Andrew Jackson</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:1%">Public image</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd hlist" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/List_of_memorials_to_Andrew_Jackson" title="List of memorials to Andrew Jackson">List of memorials to Andrew Jackson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Statue_of_Andrew_Jackson_(U.S._Capitol)" title="Statue of Andrew Jackson (U.S. Capitol)"><i>Andrew Jackson</i> (U.S. Capitol statue)</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Equestrian_statue_of_Andrew_Jackson_(Washington,_D.C.)" title="Equestrian statue of Andrew Jackson (Washington, D.C.)"><i>Andrew Jackson</i> (Washington D.C. and New Orleans statues)</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Black_Jack_(stamp)" title="Black Jack (stamp)">Black Jack stamp</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_President%27s_Lady" title="The President's Lady">The President's Lady</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Buccaneer_(1938_film)" title="The Buccaneer (1938 film)">The Buccaneer</a></i> (1938)</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Buccaneer_(1958_film)" title="The Buccaneer (1958 film)">The Buccaneer</a></i> (1958)</li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Gorgeous_Hussy" title="The Gorgeous Hussy">The Gorgeous Hussy</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/The_Remarkable_Andrew" title="The Remarkable Andrew">The Remarkable Andrew</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Bloody_Bloody_Andrew_Jackson" title="Bloody Bloody Andrew Jackson">Bloody Bloody Andrew Jackson</a></i></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Man_of_Conquest" title="Man of Conquest">Man of Conquest</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/USRC_Jackson_(1832)" class="mw-redirect" title="USRC Jackson (1832)">USRC <i>Jackson</i> (1832)</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/USS_Andrew_Jackson_(SSBN-619)" class="mw-redirect" title="USS Andrew Jackson (SSBN-619)">USS <i>Andrew Jackson</i> (SSBN-619)</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/USS_President_Jackson" title="USS President Jackson">USS <i>President Jackson</i></a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:1%">Family</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even hlist" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Rachel_Jackson" title="Rachel Jackson">Rachel Jackson</a> (wife)</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Jackson_Donelson" title="Andrew Jackson Donelson">Andrew Jackson Donelson</a> (adopted son)</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Daniel_Smith_Donelson" title="Daniel Smith Donelson">Daniel Smith Donelson</a> (adopted son)</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lyncoya_Jackson" title="Lyncoya Jackson">Lyncoya Jackson</a> (adopted son)</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Emily_Donelson" title="Emily Donelson">Emily Donelson</a> (acting First Lady)</li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sarah_Yorke_Jackson" title="Sarah Yorke Jackson">Sarah Yorke Jackson</a> (acting First Lady)</li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><td class="navbox-abovebelow hlist" colspan="3"><div>
<ul><li><b><a href="/wiki/John_Quincy_Adams" title="John Quincy Adams">← John Quincy Adams</a></b></li>
<li><b><a href="/wiki/Martin_Van_Buren" title="Martin Van Buren">Martin Van Buren →</a></b></li></ul>
<ul><li><b><span class="noviewer" typeof="mw:File"><span title="Category"><img alt="" src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/16px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png" decoding="async" width="16" height="16" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/23px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/31px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="180" data-file-height="185" /></span></span> <a href="/wiki/Category:Andrew_Jackson" title="Category:Andrew Jackson">Category</a></b></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table></div>
<div class="navbox-styles"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1129693374"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1061467846"></div><div role="navigation" class="navbox" aria-labelledby="American_Civil_War" style="padding:3px"><table class="nowraplinks hlist mw-collapsible autocollapse navbox-inner" style="border-spacing:0;background:transparent;color:inherit"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;;background-color:#C3D6EF;"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1129693374"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r1063604349"><div class="navbar plainlinks hlist navbar-mini"><ul><li class="nv-view"><a href="/wiki/Template:American_Civil_War" title="Template:American Civil War"><abbr title="View this template" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;;background-color:#C3D6EF;;background:none transparent;border:none;box-shadow:none;padding:0;">v</abbr></a></li><li class="nv-talk"><a href="/wiki/Template_talk:American_Civil_War" title="Template talk:American Civil War"><abbr title="Discuss this template" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;;background-color:#C3D6EF;;background:none transparent;border:none;box-shadow:none;padding:0;">t</abbr></a></li><li class="nv-edit"><a href="/wiki/Special:EditPage/Template:American_Civil_War" title="Special:EditPage/Template:American Civil War"><abbr title="Edit this template" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;;background-color:#C3D6EF;;background:none transparent;border:none;box-shadow:none;padding:0;">e</abbr></a></li></ul></div><div id="American_Civil_War" style="font-size:114%;margin:0 4em"><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War" title="American Civil War">American Civil War</a></div></th></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks mw-collapsible mw-collapsed navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div id="Origins" style="font-size:114%;margin:0 4em">Origins</div></th></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div class="hlist"><ul><li><a href="/wiki/Origins_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Origins of the American Civil War">Origins</a></li></ul></div></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Timeline_of_events_leading_to_the_American_Civil_War" title="Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War">Timeline leading to the War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bleeding_Kansas" title="Bleeding Kansas">Bleeding Kansas</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Border_states_(American_Civil_War)" title="Border states (American Civil War)">Border states</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Compromise_of_1850" title="Compromise of 1850">Compromise of 1850</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Brown%27s_raid_on_Harpers_Ferry" title="John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry">John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kansas-Nebraska_Act" class="mw-redirect" title="Kansas-Nebraska Act">Kansas-Nebraska Act</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lincoln%E2%80%93Douglas_debates" title="Lincoln–Douglas debates">Lincoln–Douglas debates</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Missouri_Compromise" title="Missouri Compromise">Missouri Compromise</a></li>
<li><a class="mw-selflink selflink">Nullification crisis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Origins_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Origins of the American Civil War">Origins of the American Civil War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Panic_of_1857" title="Panic of 1857">Panic of 1857</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Popular_sovereignty_in_the_United_States" title="Popular sovereignty in the United States">Popular sovereignty</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Secession_in_the_United_States" title="Secession in the United States">Secession</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/South_Carolina_Declaration_of_Secession" title="South Carolina Declaration of Secession">South Carolina Declaration of Secession</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/States%27_rights" title="States' rights">States' rights</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/President_Lincoln%27s_75,000_volunteers" title="President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers">President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Slavery_in_the_United_States" title="Slavery in the United States">Slavery</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Military_history_of_African_Americans_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Military history of African Americans in the American Civil War">African Americans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Cornerstone_Speech" title="Cornerstone Speech">Cornerstone Speech</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Crittenden_Compromise" title="Crittenden Compromise">Crittenden Compromise</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Dred_Scott_v._Sandford" title="Dred Scott v. Sandford">Dred Scott v. Sandford</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Emancipation_Proclamation" title="Emancipation Proclamation">Emancipation Proclamation</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Fire-Eaters" title="Fire-Eaters">Fire-Eaters</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Fugitive_slave_laws_in_the_United_States" title="Fugitive slave laws in the United States">Fugitive slave laws</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Plantation_complexes_in_the_Southern_United_States" title="Plantation complexes in the Southern United States">Plantations in the American South</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Slavery_as_a_positive_good_in_the_United_States" title="Slavery as a positive good in the United States">Positive good</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Slave_Power" title="Slave Power">Slave Power</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Slavery_in_the_United_States" title="Slavery in the United States">Slavery in the United States</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Treatment_of_slaves_in_the_United_States" title="Treatment of slaves in the United States">Treatment of slaves in the United States</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Uncle_Tom%27s_Cabin" title="Uncle Tom's Cabin">Uncle Tom's Cabin</a></i></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Abolitionism_in_the_United_States" title="Abolitionism in the United States">Abolitionism</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Abolitionism_in_the_United_States" title="Abolitionism in the United States">Abolitionism in the United States</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Susan_B._Anthony" title="Susan B. Anthony">Susan B. Anthony</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/James_G._Birney" title="James G. Birney">James G. Birney</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Brown_(abolitionist)" title="John Brown (abolitionist)">John Brown</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Frederick_Douglass" title="Frederick Douglass">Frederick Douglass</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/William_Lloyd_Garrison" title="William Lloyd Garrison">William Lloyd Garrison</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lane_Debates_on_Slavery" class="mw-redirect" title="Lane Debates on Slavery">Lane Debates on Slavery</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Elijah_Parish_Lovejoy" title="Elijah Parish Lovejoy">Elijah Parish Lovejoy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/J._Sella_Martin" title="J. Sella Martin">J. Sella Martin</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lysander_Spooner" title="Lysander Spooner">Lysander Spooner</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/George_Luther_Stearns" title="George Luther Stearns">George Luther Stearns</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Thaddeus_Stevens" title="Thaddeus Stevens">Thaddeus Stevens</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Charles_Sumner" title="Charles Sumner">Charles Sumner</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Caning_of_Charles_Sumner" title="Caning of Charles Sumner">Caning</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Harriet_Tubman" title="Harriet Tubman">Harriet Tubman</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Underground_Railroad" title="Underground Railroad">Underground Railroad</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks mw-collapsible mw-collapsed navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div id="CombatantsTheatersCampaignsBattlesStates" style="font-size:114%;margin:0 4em"><div class="hlist"><ul><li>Combatants</li><li>Theaters</li><li>Campaigns</li><li>Battles</li><li>States</li></ul></div></div></th></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Combatants</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:1%;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal; background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Union_(American_Civil_War)" title="Union (American Civil War)">Union</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Union_Army" title="Union Army">Army</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Union_Navy" title="Union Navy">Navy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_States_Marine_Corps" title="United States Marine Corps">Marine Corps</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_States_Revenue_Cutter_Service" title="United States Revenue Cutter Service">Revenue Cutter Service</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:1%;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal; background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_of_America" title="Confederate States of America">Confederacy</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_Army" title="Confederate States Army">Army</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_Navy" title="Confederate States Navy">Navy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_Marine_Corps" title="Confederate States Marine Corps">Marine Corps</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Theaters</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Eastern_theater_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Eastern theater of the American Civil War">Eastern</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Western_theater_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Western theater of the American Civil War">Western</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lower_seaboard_theater_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Lower seaboard theater of the American Civil War">Lower Seaboard</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Trans-Mississippi_theater_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Trans-Mississippi theater of the American Civil War">Trans-Mississippi</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Pacific_coast_theater_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Pacific coast theater of the American Civil War">Pacific Coast</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Union_blockade" title="Union blockade">Union naval blockade</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Major <a href="/wiki/Campaigns_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Campaigns of the American Civil War">campaigns</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Anaconda_Plan" title="Anaconda Plan">Anaconda Plan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Blockade_runners_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Blockade runners of the American Civil War">Blockade runners</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_Mexico_campaign" title="New Mexico campaign">New Mexico</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jackson%27s_Valley_campaign" title="Jackson's Valley campaign">Jackson's Valley</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Peninsula_campaign" title="Peninsula campaign">Peninsula</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Northern_Virginia_campaign" title="Northern Virginia campaign">Northern Virginia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Maryland_campaign" title="Maryland campaign">Maryland</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Stones_River" title="Battle of Stones River">Stones River</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Vicksburg_campaign" title="Vicksburg campaign">Vicksburg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tullahoma_campaign" title="Tullahoma campaign">Tullahoma</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Gettysburg_campaign" title="Gettysburg campaign">Gettysburg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Morgan%27s_Raid" title="Morgan's Raid">Morgan's Raid</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bristoe_campaign" title="Bristoe campaign">Bristoe</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Knoxville_campaign" title="Knoxville campaign">Knoxville</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Red_River_Campaign" class="mw-redirect" title="Red River Campaign">Red River</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Overland_Campaign" title="Overland Campaign">Overland</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Atlanta_campaign" title="Atlanta campaign">Atlanta</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Valley_campaigns_of_1864" title="Valley campaigns of 1864">Valley 1864</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bermuda_Hundred_campaign" title="Bermuda Hundred campaign">Bermuda Hundred</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Siege_of_Petersburg" title="Siege of Petersburg">Richmond-Petersburg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Franklin%E2%80%93Nashville_campaign" title="Franklin–Nashville campaign">Franklin–Nashville</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Price%27s_Missouri_Expedition" title="Price's Missouri Expedition">Price's Missouri Expedition</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sherman%27s_March_to_the_Sea" title="Sherman's March to the Sea">Sherman's March</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Campaign_of_the_Carolinas" class="mw-redirect" title="Campaign of the Carolinas">Carolinas</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Mobile_campaign_(1865)" title="Mobile campaign (1865)">Mobile</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Appomattox_campaign" title="Appomattox campaign">Appomattox</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Major <a href="/wiki/List_of_American_Civil_War_battles" title="List of American Civil War battles">battles</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Fort_Sumter" title="Battle of Fort Sumter">Fort Sumter</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/First_Battle_of_Bull_Run" title="First Battle of Bull Run">1st Bull Run</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Wilson%27s_Creek" title="Battle of Wilson's Creek">Wilson's Creek</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Fort_Donelson" title="Battle of Fort Donelson">Fort Donelson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Pea_Ridge" title="Battle of Pea Ridge">Pea Ridge</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Hampton_Roads" title="Battle of Hampton Roads">Hampton Roads</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Shiloh" title="Battle of Shiloh">Shiloh</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Forts_Jackson_and_St._Philip" title="Battle of Forts Jackson and St. Philip">New Orleans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Siege_of_Corinth" title="Siege of Corinth">Corinth</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Seven_Pines" title="Battle of Seven Pines">Seven Pines</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Seven_Days_Battles" title="Seven Days Battles">Seven Days</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Second_Battle_of_Bull_Run" title="Second Battle of Bull Run">2nd Bull Run</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Antietam" title="Battle of Antietam">Antietam</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Perryville" title="Battle of Perryville">Perryville</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Fredericksburg" title="Battle of Fredericksburg">Fredericksburg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Stones_River" title="Battle of Stones River">Stones River</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Chancellorsville" title="Battle of Chancellorsville">Chancellorsville</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Gettysburg" title="Battle of Gettysburg">Gettysburg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Siege_of_Vicksburg" title="Siege of Vicksburg">Vicksburg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Chickamauga" title="Battle of Chickamauga">Chickamauga</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Chattanooga_campaign" title="Chattanooga campaign">Chattanooga</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_the_Wilderness" title="Battle of the Wilderness">Wilderness</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Fort_Pillow" title="Battle of Fort Pillow">Fort Pillow</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Spotsylvania_Court_House" title="Battle of Spotsylvania Court House">Spotsylvania</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Cold_Harbor" title="Battle of Cold Harbor">Cold Harbor</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Atlanta" title="Battle of Atlanta">Atlanta</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_the_Crater" title="Battle of the Crater">Crater</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Mobile_Bay" title="Battle of Mobile Bay">Mobile Bay</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Franklin_(1864)" class="mw-redirect" title="Battle of Franklin (1864)">Franklin</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Nashville" title="Battle of Nashville">Nashville</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Battle_of_Five_Forks" title="Battle of Five Forks">Five Forks</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Involvement</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">States and<br />territories</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Alabama_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Alabama in the American Civil War">Alabama</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Arkansas_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Arkansas in the American Civil War">Arkansas</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Arizona" title="Confederate Arizona">Arizona</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/California_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="California in the American Civil War">California</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Colorado_in_the_American_Civil_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Colorado in the American Civil War">Colorado</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Connecticut_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Connecticut in the American Civil War">Connecticut</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Dakota_Territory#Dakota_Territory_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Dakota Territory">Dakota Territory</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Washington,_D.C.,_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Washington, D.C., in the American Civil War">District of Columbia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/History_of_Delaware#Delaware_in_the_Civil_War" title="History of Delaware">Delaware</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Florida_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Florida in the American Civil War">Florida</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Georgia_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Georgia in the American Civil War">Georgia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Hawaii_and_the_American_Civil_War" title="Hawaii and the American Civil War">Hawaii</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Idaho_in_the_American_Civil_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Idaho in the American Civil War">Idaho</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Illinois_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Illinois in the American Civil War">Illinois</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Indian_Territory_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Indian Territory in the American Civil War">Indian Territory</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Indiana_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Indiana in the American Civil War">Indiana</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Iowa_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Iowa in the American Civil War">Iowa</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kansas_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Kansas in the American Civil War">Kansas</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kentucky_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Kentucky in the American Civil War">Kentucky</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Louisiana_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Louisiana in the American Civil War">Louisiana</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Maine_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Maine in the American Civil War">Maine</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Maryland_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Maryland in the American Civil War">Maryland</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Massachusetts_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Massachusetts in the American Civil War">Massachusetts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Michigan_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Michigan in the American Civil War">Michigan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/History_of_Minnesota#Civil_War_era_and_Dakota_War_of_1862" title="History of Minnesota">Minnesota</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Mississippi_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Mississippi in the American Civil War">Mississippi</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Missouri_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Missouri in the American Civil War">Missouri</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Montana_in_the_American_Civil_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Montana in the American Civil War">Montana</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Nebraska_Territory_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Nebraska Territory in the American Civil War">Nebraska</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Nevada_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Nevada in the American Civil War">Nevada</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/History_of_New_Hampshire#Civil_War:_1861–1865" title="History of New Hampshire">New Hampshire</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_Jersey_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="New Jersey in the American Civil War">New Jersey</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_Mexico_Territory_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="New Mexico Territory in the American Civil War">New Mexico</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_York_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="New York in the American Civil War">New York</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/North_Carolina_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="North Carolina in the American Civil War">North Carolina</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ohio_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Ohio in the American Civil War">Ohio</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Oregon_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Oregon in the American Civil War">Oregon</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Pennsylvania_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Pennsylvania in the American Civil War">Pennsylvania</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Rhode_Island_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Rhode Island in the American Civil War">Rhode Island</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/South_Carolina_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="South Carolina in the American Civil War">South Carolina</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Tennessee_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Tennessee in the American Civil War">Tennessee</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Texas_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Texas in the American Civil War">Texas</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Utah_in_the_American_Civil_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Utah in the American Civil War">Utah</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Vermont_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Vermont in the American Civil War">Vermont</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Virginia_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Virginia in the American Civil War">Virginia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Washington_in_the_American_Civil_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Washington in the American Civil War">Washington</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/West_Virginia_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="West Virginia in the American Civil War">West Virginia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Wisconsin_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Wisconsin in the American Civil War">Wisconsin</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Cities</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Atlanta_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Atlanta in the American Civil War">Atlanta</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Charleston_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Charleston in the American Civil War">Charleston</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Chattanooga_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Chattanooga in the American Civil War">Chattanooga</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_Orleans_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="New Orleans in the American Civil War">New Orleans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Richmond_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Richmond in the American Civil War">Richmond</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Washington,_D.C.,_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Washington, D.C., in the American Civil War">Washington, D.C.</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Winchester,_Virginia_in_the_American_Civil_War" class="mw-redirect" title="Winchester, Virginia in the American Civil War">Winchester</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks mw-collapsible mw-collapsed navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div id="Leaders" style="font-size:114%;margin:0 4em"><a href="/wiki/Military_leadership_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Military leadership in the American Civil War">Leaders</a></div></th></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:6.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Confederate</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Military</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Richard_H._Anderson_(general)" title="Richard H. Anderson (general)">R. H. Anderson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/P._G._T._Beauregard" title="P. G. T. Beauregard">Beauregard</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Braxton_Bragg" title="Braxton Bragg">Bragg</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Franklin_Buchanan" title="Franklin Buchanan">Buchanan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Samuel_Cooper_(general)" title="Samuel Cooper (general)">Cooper</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jubal_Early" title="Jubal Early">Early</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Richard_S._Ewell" title="Richard S. Ewell">Ewell</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Nathan_Bedford_Forrest" title="Nathan Bedford Forrest">Forrest</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Josiah_Gorgas" title="Josiah Gorgas">Gorgas</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/A._P._Hill" title="A. P. Hill">Hill</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Bell_Hood" title="John Bell Hood">Hood</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Stonewall_Jackson" title="Stonewall Jackson">Jackson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Albert_Sidney_Johnston" title="Albert Sidney Johnston">A. S. Johnston</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Joseph_E._Johnston" title="Joseph E. Johnston">J. E. Johnston</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Robert_E._Lee" title="Robert E. Lee">Lee</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/James_Longstreet" title="James Longstreet">Longstreet</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Hunt_Morgan" title="John Hunt Morgan">Morgan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_S._Mosby" title="John S. Mosby">Mosby</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Leonidas_Polk" title="Leonidas Polk">Polk</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sterling_Price" title="Sterling Price">Price</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Raphael_Semmes" title="Raphael Semmes">Semmes</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Edmund_Kirby_Smith" title="Edmund Kirby Smith">E. K. Smith</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/J._E._B._Stuart" title="J. E. B. Stuart">Stuart</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Richard_Taylor_(Confederate_general)" title="Richard Taylor (Confederate general)">Taylor</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Joseph_Wheeler" title="Joseph Wheeler">Wheeler</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Civilian</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Judah_P._Benjamin" title="Judah P. Benjamin">Benjamin</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Thomas_S._Bocock" title="Thomas S. Bocock">Bocock</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_C._Breckinridge" title="John C. Breckinridge">Breckinridge</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jefferson_Davis" title="Jefferson Davis">Davis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Robert_M._T._Hunter" title="Robert M. T. Hunter">Hunter</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Stephen_Mallory" title="Stephen Mallory">Mallory</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Christopher_Memminger" title="Christopher Memminger">Memminger</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/James_Seddon" title="James Seddon">Seddon</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Alexander_H._Stephens" title="Alexander H. Stephens">Stephens</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:6.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Union</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Military</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Robert_Anderson_(Civil_War)" title="Robert Anderson (Civil War)">Anderson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Don_Carlos_Buell" title="Don Carlos Buell">Buell</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ambrose_Burnside" title="Ambrose Burnside">Burnside</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Benjamin_Butler" title="Benjamin Butler">Butler</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Samuel_Francis_Du_Pont" title="Samuel Francis Du Pont">Du Pont</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/David_Farragut" title="David Farragut">Farragut</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Andrew_Hull_Foote" title="Andrew Hull Foote">Foote</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_C._Fr%C3%A9mont" title="John C. Frémont">Frémont</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ulysses_S._Grant" title="Ulysses S. Grant">Grant</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Henry_Halleck" title="Henry Halleck">Halleck</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Joseph_Hooker" title="Joseph Hooker">Hooker</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Henry_Jackson_Hunt" title="Henry Jackson Hunt">Hunt</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/George_B._McClellan" title="George B. McClellan">McClellan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Irvin_McDowell" title="Irvin McDowell">McDowell</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/George_Meade" title="George Meade">Meade</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Montgomery_C._Meigs" title="Montgomery C. Meigs">Meigs</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Edward_Ord" title="Edward Ord">Ord</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Pope_(military_officer)" class="mw-redirect" title="John Pope (military officer)">Pope</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/David_Dixon_Porter" title="David Dixon Porter">D. D. Porter</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/William_Rosecrans" title="William Rosecrans">Rosecrans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Winfield_Scott" title="Winfield Scott">Scott</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Philip_Sheridan" title="Philip Sheridan">Sheridan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/William_Tecumseh_Sherman" title="William Tecumseh Sherman">Sherman</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/George_Henry_Thomas" title="George Henry Thomas">Thomas</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Civilian</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Charles_Francis_Adams_Sr." title="Charles Francis Adams Sr.">Adams</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Salmon_P._Chase" title="Salmon P. Chase">Chase</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Ericsson" title="John Ericsson">Ericsson</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Hannibal_Hamlin" title="Hannibal Hamlin">Hamlin</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Abraham_Lincoln" title="Abraham Lincoln">Lincoln</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Allan_Pinkerton" title="Allan Pinkerton">Pinkerton</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/William_H._Seward" title="William H. Seward">Seward</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Edwin_Stanton" title="Edwin Stanton">Stanton</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Thaddeus_Stevens" title="Thaddeus Stevens">Stevens</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Benjamin_Wade" title="Benjamin Wade">Wade</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Gideon_Welles" title="Gideon Welles">Welles</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks mw-collapsible mw-collapsed navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div id="Aftermath" style="font-size:114%;margin:0 4em">Aftermath</div></th></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Constitution_of_the_United_States" title="Constitution of the United States">Constitution</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Reconstruction_Amendments" title="Reconstruction Amendments">Reconstruction Amendments</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Thirteenth_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constitution" title="Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution">13th Amendment</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Fourteenth_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constitution" title="Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution">14th Amendment</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Fifteenth_Amendment_to_the_United_States_Constitution" title="Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution">15th Amendment</a></li></ul></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Reconstruction_era" title="Reconstruction era">Reconstruction</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Alabama_Claims" title="Alabama Claims">Alabama Claims</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Brooks%E2%80%93Baxter_War" title="Brooks–Baxter War">Brooks–Baxter War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Carpetbagger" title="Carpetbagger">Carpetbaggers</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Colfax_massacre" title="Colfax massacre">Colfax riot of 1873</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Compromise_of_1877" title="Compromise of 1877">Compromise of 1877</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_colonies" title="Confederate colonies">Confederate refugees</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confederados" title="Confederados">Confederados</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Election_riot_of_1874" class="mw-redirect" title="Election riot of 1874">Eufaula riot of 1874</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Freedmen%27s_Bureau" title="Freedmen's Bureau">Freedmen's Bureau</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Freedman%27s_Savings_Bank" title="Freedman's Savings Bank">Freedman's Savings Bank</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Homestead_Acts" title="Homestead Acts">Homestead Acts</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Southern_Homestead_Act_of_1866" title="Southern Homestead Act of 1866">Southern Homestead Act of 1866</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Timber_Culture_Act" title="Timber Culture Act">Timber Culture Act</a> of 1873</li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Impeachment_of_Andrew_Johnson" title="Impeachment of Andrew Johnson">Impeachment of Andrew Johnson</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Impeachment_trial_of_Andrew_Johnson" title="Impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson">trial</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Efforts_to_impeach_Andrew_Johnson" title="Efforts to impeach Andrew Johnson">efforts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Timeline_of_the_impeachment_of_Andrew_Johnson" title="Timeline of the impeachment of Andrew Johnson">timeline</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/First_impeachment_inquiry_into_Andrew_Johnson" title="First impeachment inquiry into Andrew Johnson">first inquiry</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Second_impeachment_inquiry_into_Andrew_Johnson" title="Second impeachment inquiry into Andrew Johnson">second inquiry</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1868_impeachment_managers_investigation" title="1868 impeachment managers investigation">impeachment managers investigation</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Kirk%E2%80%93Holden_war" title="Kirk–Holden war">Kirk–Holden war</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Knights_of_the_White_Camelia" title="Knights of the White Camelia">Knights of the White Camelia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ku_Klux_Klan" title="Ku Klux Klan">Ku Klux Klan</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Ethnic_violence" title="Ethnic violence">Ethnic violence</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Memphis_riots_of_1866" class="mw-redirect" title="Memphis riots of 1866">Memphis riots of 1866</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Meridian_race_riot_of_1871" title="Meridian race riot of 1871">Meridian riot of 1871</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_Orleans_massacre_of_1866" class="mw-redirect" title="New Orleans massacre of 1866">New Orleans riot of 1866</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Pulaski_riot" title="Pulaski riot">Pulaski (Tennessee) riot of 1867</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/South_Carolina_civil_disturbances_of_1876" title="South Carolina civil disturbances of 1876">South Carolina riots of 1876</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Reconstruction_Acts" title="Reconstruction Acts">Reconstruction acts</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Habeas_Corpus_Act_of_1867" title="Habeas Corpus Act of 1867">Habeas Corpus Act of 1867</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Enforcement_Act_of_1870" title="Enforcement Act of 1870">Enforcement Act of 1870</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Second_Enforcement_Act" title="Second Enforcement Act">Enforcement Act of February 1871</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Third_Enforcement_Act" class="mw-redirect" title="Third Enforcement Act">Enforcement Act of April 1871</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Reconstruction_era" title="Reconstruction era">Reconstruction era</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Reconstruction_military_districts" title="Reconstruction military districts">Reconstruction military districts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Reconstruction_Treaties" title="Reconstruction Treaties">Reconstruction Treaties</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Fort_Smith_Council" title="Fort Smith Council">Indian Council at Fort Smith</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Red_Shirts_(United_States)" title="Red Shirts (United States)">Red Shirts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Redeemers" title="Redeemers">Redeemers</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Scalawag" title="Scalawag">Scalawags</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/South_Carolina_civil_disturbances_of_1876" title="South Carolina civil disturbances of 1876">South Carolina riots of 1876</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Southern_Claims_Commission" title="Southern Claims Commission">Southern Claims Commission</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/White_League" title="White League">White League</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Post-<br />Reconstruction</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Commemoration_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Commemoration of the American Civil War">Commemoration</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War_Centennial" title="American Civil War Centennial">Centennial</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_Discovery_Trail" title="Civil War Discovery Trail">Civil War Discovery Trail</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_Roundtable" title="Civil War Roundtable">Civil War Roundtables</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_Trails_Program" title="Civil War Trails Program">Civil War Trails Program</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_Trust" class="mw-redirect" title="Civil War Trust">Civil War Trust</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_History_Month" title="Confederate History Month">Confederate History Month</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Memorial_Day" title="Confederate Memorial Day">Confederate Memorial Day</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Memorial_Day" title="Memorial Day">Decoration Day</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War_reenactment" title="American Civil War reenactment">Historical reenactment</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Robert_E._Lee_Day" title="Robert E. Lee Day">Robert E. Lee Day</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Memorial_Hall" title="Confederate Memorial Hall">Confederate Memorial Hall</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Disenfranchisement_after_the_Reconstruction_era" class="mw-redirect" title="Disenfranchisement after the Reconstruction era">Disenfranchisement</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Black_Codes_(United_States)" title="Black Codes (United States)">Black Codes</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Jim_Crow_laws" title="Jim Crow laws">Jim Crow</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Historiographic_issues_about_the_American_Civil_War" title="Historiographic issues about the American Civil War">Historiographic issues</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Lost_Cause_of_the_Confederacy" title="Lost Cause of the Confederacy">Lost Cause mythology</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Modern_display_of_the_Confederate_battle_flag" title="Modern display of the Confederate battle flag">Modern display of the Confederate flag</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Red_Shirts_(United_States)" title="Red Shirts (United States)">Red Shirts</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sons_of_Confederate_Veterans" title="Sons of Confederate Veterans">Sons of Confederate Veterans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Sons_of_Union_Veterans_of_the_Civil_War" title="Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War">Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Southern_Historical_Society" title="Southern Historical Society">Southern Historical Society</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_Confederate_Veterans" title="United Confederate Veterans">United Confederate Veterans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_Daughters_of_the_Confederacy" title="United Daughters of the Confederacy">United Daughters of the Confederacy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Children_of_the_Confederacy" class="mw-redirect" title="Children of the Confederacy">Children of the Confederacy</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Wilmington_insurrection_of_1898" class="mw-redirect" title="Wilmington insurrection of 1898">Wilmington insurrection of 1898</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Monuments<br />and memorials</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Union</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/List_of_Union_Civil_War_monuments_and_memorials" title="List of Union Civil War monuments and memorials">List</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/List_of_memorials_to_the_Grand_Army_of_the_Republic" title="List of memorials to the Grand Army of the Republic">Grand Army of the Republic</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_memorials_to_Abraham_Lincoln" title="List of memorials to Abraham Lincoln">memorials to Lincoln</a></li></ul></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;font-weight:normal;">Confederate</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/List_of_Confederate_monuments_and_memorials" class="mw-redirect" title="List of Confederate monuments and memorials">List</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_artworks_in_the_United_States_Capitol" title="Confederate artworks in the United States Capitol">artworks in Capitol</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_memorials_to_Jefferson_Davis" title="List of memorials to Jefferson Davis">memorials to Davis</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_memorials_to_Robert_E._Lee" title="List of memorials to Robert E. Lee">memorials to Lee</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Removal_of_Confederate_monuments_and_memorials" title="Removal of Confederate monuments and memorials">Removal</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Cemeteries</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Ladies%27_Memorial_Association" title="Ladies' Memorial Association">Ladies' Memorial Associations</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_Era_National_Cemeteries_MPS" title="Civil War Era National Cemeteries MPS">U.S. national cemeteries</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:9.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Veterans</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/1913_Gettysburg_reunion" title="1913 Gettysburg reunion">1913 Gettysburg reunion</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1938_Gettysburg_reunion" title="1938 Gettysburg reunion">1938 Gettysburg reunion</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Memorial_Hall" title="Confederate Memorial Hall">Confederate Memorial Hall</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Veteran" title="Confederate Veteran">Confederate Veteran</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Grand_Army_of_the_Republic" title="Grand Army of the Republic">Grand Army of the Republic</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Military_Order_of_the_Loyal_Legion_of_the_United_States" title="Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States">Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the U.S.</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Old_soldiers%27_home" title="Old soldiers' home">Old soldiers' homes</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Southern_Cross_of_Honor" title="Southern Cross of Honor">Southern Cross of Honor</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_Confederate_Veterans" title="United Confederate Veterans">United Confederate Veterans</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks mw-collapsible mw-collapsed navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0"><tbody><tr><th scope="col" class="navbox-title" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div id="Related_topics" style="font-size:114%;margin:0 4em"><div class="hlist"><ul><li>Related topics</li></ul></div></div></th></tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="navbox-list navbox-odd" style="width:100%;padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em"></div><table class="nowraplinks navbox-subgroup" style="border-spacing:0;;wide"><tbody><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Military</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/List_of_weapons_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="List of weapons in the American Civil War">Arms</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_Campaign_Medal" title="Civil War Campaign Medal">Campaign Medal</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Cavalry_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Cavalry in the American Civil War">Cavalry</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Home_Guard" title="Confederate Home Guard">Confederate Home Guard</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_railroads_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Confederate railroads in the American Civil War">Confederate railroads</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_revolving_cannon" title="Confederate revolving cannon">Confederate revolving cannon</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Field_artillery_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Field artillery in the American Civil War">Field artillery</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_American_Civil_War_Medal_of_Honor_recipients" title="List of American Civil War Medal of Honor recipients">Medal of Honor recipients</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Medicine_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Medicine in the American Civil War">Medicine</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_naval_battles_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="List of naval battles of the American Civil War">Naval battles</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Official_Records_of_the_Union_and_Confederate_Armies" title="Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies">Official Records</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Partisan_Ranger_Act" title="Partisan Ranger Act">Partisan rangers</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War_prison_camps" title="American Civil War prison camps">POW camps</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Foods_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Foods of the American Civil War">Rations</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Signal_Corps_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Signal Corps in the American Civil War">Signal Corps</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Turning_point_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Turning point of the American Civil War">Turning point</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War_Corps_Badges" title="American Civil War Corps Badges">Union corps badges</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Union_Army_Balloon_Corps" title="Union Army Balloon Corps">U.S. Balloon Corps</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Home_Guard_(Union)" title="Home Guard (Union)">U.S. Home Guard</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_States_Military_Railroad" title="United States Military Railroad">U.S. Military Railroad</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Political</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/United_States_Congress_Joint_Committee_on_the_Conduct_of_the_War" class="mw-redirect" title="United States Congress Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War">Committee on the Conduct of the War</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_presidential_election" class="mw-redirect" title="Confederate States presidential election">Confederate States presidential election of 1861</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confiscation_Act_of_1861" title="Confiscation Act of 1861">Confiscation Act of 1861</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confiscation_Act_of_1862" title="Confiscation Act of 1862">Confiscation Act of 1862</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Copperhead_(politics)" title="Copperhead (politics)">Copperheads</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Emancipation_Proclamation" title="Emancipation Proclamation">Emancipation Proclamation</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Habeas_Corpus_Suspension_Act_(1863)" title="Habeas Corpus Suspension Act (1863)">Habeas Corpus Act of 1863</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Hampton_Roads_Conference" title="Hampton Roads Conference">Hampton Roads Conference</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/National_Union_Party_(United_States)" title="National Union Party (United States)">National Union Party</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_politicians_killed_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="List of politicians killed in the American Civil War">Politicians killed</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Radical_Republicans" title="Radical Republicans">Radical Republicans</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Trent_Affair" title="Trent Affair">Trent Affair</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Union_League" title="Union League">Union Leagues</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/1864_United_States_presidential_election" title="1864 United States presidential election">U.S. Presidential Election of 1864</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/War_Democrat" title="War Democrat">War Democrats</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;"><a href="/wiki/Music_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Music of the American Civil War">Music</a></th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Battle_Hymn_of_the_Republic" title="Battle Hymn of the Republic">Battle Hymn of the Republic</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Dixie_(song)" title="Dixie (song)">Dixie</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/John_Brown%27s_Body" title="John Brown's Body">John Brown's Body</a></li>
<li><i><a href="/wiki/A_Lincoln_Portrait" class="mw-redirect" title="A Lincoln Portrait">A Lincoln Portrait</a></i></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Marching_Through_Georgia" title="Marching Through Georgia">Marching Through Georgia</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Maryland,_My_Maryland" title="Maryland, My Maryland">Maryland, My Maryland</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/When_Johnny_Comes_Marching_Home" title="When Johnny Comes Marching Home">When Johnny Comes Marching Home</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Daar_kom_die_Alibama" title="Daar kom die Alibama">Daar kom die Alibama</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Other topics</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-even" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Baltimore_riot_of_1861" title="Baltimore riot of 1861">Baltimore riot of 1861</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War_battlefield_preservation" title="American Civil War battlefield preservation">Battlefield preservation</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Bibliography_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Bibliography of the American Civil War">Bibliography</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_war_finance" title="Confederate war finance">Confederate war finance</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_dollar" title="Confederate States dollar">Confederate States dollar</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/American_Civil_War_spies" title="American Civil War spies">Espionage</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_Secret_Service" title="Confederate Secret Service">Confederate Secret Service</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Confederate_States_Army_revival" title="Confederate States Army revival">Great Revival of 1863</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Juneteenth" title="Juneteenth">Juneteenth</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Names_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Names of the American Civil War">Naming the war</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Native_Americans_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Native Americans in the American Civil War">Native Americans</a>
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/Catawba_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Catawba in the American Civil War">Catawba</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Cherokee_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Cherokee in the American Civil War">Cherokee</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Choctaw_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Choctaw in the American Civil War">Choctaw</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Seminole_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Seminole in the American Civil War">Seminole</a></li></ul></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_gold_hoax" title="Civil War gold hoax">New York City Gold Hoax of 1864</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/New_York_City_draft_riots" title="New York City draft riots">New York City riots of 1863</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Photographers_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Photographers of the American Civil War">Photographers</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Southern_bread_riots" title="Southern bread riots">Richmond riots of 1863</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Gender_issues_in_the_American_Civil_War" title="Gender issues in the American Civil War">Gender issues</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Supreme_Court_cases_of_the_American_Civil_War" title="Supreme Court cases of the American Civil War">Supreme Court cases</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/Civil_War_token" title="Civil War token">Tokens</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/United_States_Sanitary_Commission" title="United States Sanitary Commission">U.S. Sanitary Commission</a></li>
<li><a href="/wiki/List_of_female_American_Civil_War_soldiers" title="List of female American Civil War soldiers">Women soldiers</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr><tr><th scope="row" class="navbox-group" style="width:5.0em;background-color:#DCDCDC;">Related</th><td class="navbox-list-with-group navbox-list navbox-odd" style="padding:0"><div style="padding:0 0.25em">
<ul><li><a href="/wiki/List_of_films_and_television_shows_about_the_American_Civil_War" title="List of films and television shows about the American Civil War">List of films and television shows about the American Civil War</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr></tbody></table><div></div></td></tr><tr><td class="navbox-abovebelow hlist" colspan="2" style="background-color:#DCDCDC;"><div>
<ul><li><span class="noviewer" typeof="mw:File"><span title="Category"><img alt="" src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/16px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png" decoding="async" width="16" height="16" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/23px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/9/96/Symbol_category_class.svg/31px-Symbol_category_class.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="180" data-file-height="185" /></span></span> <a href="/wiki/Category:American_Civil_War" title="Category:American Civil War">Category</a></li>
<li><span class="noviewer" typeof="mw:File"><a href="/wiki/File:Symbol_portal_class.svg" class="mw-file-description" title="Portal"><img alt="" src="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/e/e2/Symbol_portal_class.svg/16px-Symbol_portal_class.svg.png" decoding="async" width="16" height="16" class="mw-file-element" srcset="//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/e/e2/Symbol_portal_class.svg/23px-Symbol_portal_class.svg.png 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/e/e2/Symbol_portal_class.svg/31px-Symbol_portal_class.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="180" data-file-height="185" /></a></span> <a href="/wiki/Portal:American_Civil_War" title="Portal:American Civil War">Portal</a></li></ul>
</div></td></tr></tbody></table></div></div>' |
